Suchergebnisse

данная статья посвящена вопросам обеспечения национальной безопасности в контексте неразрывной взаимосвязи и взаимообусловленности национальной безопасности и социально-экономического развития страны. Внимание уделено изучению законодательного закрепления категорий безопасности ; системных элементов национальной безопасности ; изменений и обновлений в отечественном законодательстве. Следовательно ; пристального внимания заслуживают вопросы обеспечения безопасности ; перечень национальных интересов ; выдвинутых на первый план на долгосрочную перспективу ; и вопросы о средствах реализации стратегических национальных приоритетов ; в числе которых названа культура как сфера жизнедеятельности. Наиболее детально изучена сфера культуры ; как один из национальных приоритетов и важный фактор роста качества жизни и гармонизации общественных отношений ; залог динамичного социально-экономического развития и сохранения единого культурного пространства и суверенитета России. ; matters of national security in the context of the inextricable interrelationship and interdependence of national security and socio-economic development are presented in the article. The particular attention is paid to the legislative consolidation of security categories ; the system of national security elements ; and changes in the domestic legislation updates. Therefore ; safety ; a list of national interests ; highlighted by long-term perspective ; and questions about the means of implementation of strategic national priorities ; including the named culture as a sphere of life are very important. Sphere of culture as a national priority and an important factor in the quality of life growth and harmonization of public relations ; collateral dynamic socio-economic development and the preservation of a common cultural space and sovereignty of Russia are studied more detailed.

Identity-based conflicts as a type of destructive ethnic conflicts have become a considerable obstacle to post-Soviet modernization, socio-political integration and ethnic peace in the current decade. The interest in the concept of identity-based conflict has been increasing worldwide during the first decade of the 21-st century. Identity-based conflicts are a notable phenomenon in the post-traditional world, where rational and irrational motives fancifully intertwine in politics, social structures, culture and everyday life of common people. Ethno-political identity became a prism for studying the problem of security in multi-ethnic communities. A rapid strengthening of hyper-ethnic, competing identities in Russian multi-ethnic regions occurred in two post-Soviet decades. It was manifested in the demands of ethno-political sovereignty, ethno-centrism, national-cultural autonomy, secession, as well as in the substantial growth of tension in ethnic relations, which resulted in protracted identity-based conflicts. The reduction of the role of civic identification, the growth of ethno-religious radicalism, new realities in ethnic and political life, new global rivalries, unstable processes of modernization in Russian regions were significant factors of the emergence of a large number of identity-based conflicts, ethno-political destabilization and social instability. In this case, conflict resolution in the North Caucasus may be built on the principles of civic solidarity and socio-political integration but not on the assimilation policy and suppression of ethnicities.

Данная статья посвящена вопросам обеспечения национальной безопасности в контексте неразрывной взаимосвязи и взаимообусловленности национальной безопасности и социально-экономического развития страны. Внимание уделено изучению законодательного закрепления категорий безопасности, системных элементов национальной безопасности, изменений и обновлений в отечественном законодательстве. Следовательно, пристального внимания заслуживают вопросы обеспечения безопасности, перечень национальных интересов, выдвинутых на первый план на долгосрочную перспективу, и вопросы о средствах реализации стратегических национальных приоритетов, в числе которых названа культура как сфера жизнедеятельности. Наиболее детально изучена сфера культуры как один из национальных приоритетов и важный фактор роста качества жизни и гармонизации общественных отношений, залог динамичного социально-экономического развития и сохранения единого культурного пространства и суверенитета России. ; Matters of national security in the context of the inextricable interrelationship and interdependence of national security and socio-economic development are presented in the article. The particular attention is paid to the legislative consolidation of security categories, the system of national security elements, and changes in the domestic legislation updates. Therefore, safety, a list of national interests, highlighted by long-term perspective, and questions about the means of implementation of strategic national priorities, including the named culture as a sphere of life are very important. Sphere of culture as a national priority and an important factor in the quality of life growth and harmonization of public relations, collateral dynamic socio-economic development and the preservation of a common cultural space and sovereignty of Russia are studied more detailed.

In the northern Vanuatu town of Luganville a small group of men have responded to social and legal changes engendered by women's rights activists by forming a male support group called 'Violence Against Men'. Members of this 'backlash' movement argue that the insidious promotion of Western-style 'women's rights' is leading to discrimination against men in divorce proceedings, child custody battles, and in domestic violence and rape cases. They directly oppose recent and ongoing legal changes aimed at protecting women from domestic violence, such as Domestic Violence Protection Court Orders, and the repeatedly tabled (but long-delayed) 'Family Protection Bill'. Such interventions, they argue, undermine Vanuatu's 'natural' kastom and Christian patriarchal gender order and, in doing so, pose a serious threat to the socio-economic productivity of the nation-state. For other men, however, rather than opposing women's rights activism, such challenges have raised questions about how men might successfully negotiate their identities in ways that are sensitive to contemporary issues of gender equality without undermining existing paradigms. Thus, this paper addresses the value accorded to universalism and relativism in gender activism in Vanuatu, and especially in terms of the linked discourses of kastom, church and modernity. It therefore explores gender relations in terms of the contemporary entanglement of indigenous and exogenous epistemologies, and in doing so argues that the contextual analysis of 'rights' should consider the specific historical, political and socio-cultural circumstances in which they are put to use.

На современном этапе глобализации растёт значение культуры, социального и организационного капитала различных цивилизаций. Новые тенденции демографического и национального развития порождают массовую миграцию населения. Условия формирования российской цивилизации существенно отличаются, хотя по своей природе она является европейской. Кризис современных цивилизаций вызван, в первую очередь, не национально-конфессиональными, а социально-экономическими факторами. Он может быть разрешён только на базе новой индустриализации и перехода от рентно-долговой к социально-инновационной экономике. Российская национальная и конфессиональная политика должна учитывать изменения этнической структуры общества, различия в менталитете разных национальностей при разработке программ новой индустриализации как национальной идеи, объединяющей различные социальные группы ; The present-day stage of globalization foregrounds cultural, social and organizational capital characteristic to various civilization. New tendencies of demographic and national development produce mass population migration. Conditions of formation of the Russian civilization are very specific, although they are European by nature. The crisis of contemporary civilization are called forth primarily by socio-economic rather than ethnic or religious factors; this crisis may be resolved only on the basis on the new industrialization and transition from rent-and-debt to socio-innovative economics. Russian national and religious politics should take into consideration various changes in the ethnic structure of the society and differences in ethnic mentalities while developing programs of the new industrialization as a national idea unifying a variety of social groups

In the northern Vanuatu town of Luganville a small group of men have responded to social and legal changes engendered by women's rights activists by forming a male support group called 'Violence Against Men'. Members of this 'backlash' movement argue that the insidious promotion of Western-style 'women's rights' is leading to discrimination against men in divorce proceedings, child custody battles, and in domestic violence and rape cases. They directly oppose recent and ongoing legal changes aimed at protecting women from domestic violence, such as Domestic Violence Protection Court Orders, and the repeatedly tabled (but long-delayed) 'Family Protection Bill'. Such interventions, they argue, undermine Vanuatu's 'natural' kastom and Christian patriarchal gender order and, in doing so, pose a serious threat to the socio-economic productivity of the nation-state. For other men, however, rather than opposing women's rights activism, such challenges have raised questions about how men might successfully negotiate their identities in ways that are sensitive to contemporary issues of gender equality without undermining existing paradigms. Thus, this paper addresses the value accorded to universalism and relativism in gender activism in Vanuatu, and especially in terms of the linked discourses of kastom, church and modernity. It therefore explores gender relations in terms of the contemporary entanglement of indigenous and exogenous epistemologies, and in doing so argues that the contextual analysis of 'rights' should consider the specific historical, political and socio-cultural circumstances in which they are put to use.

How do plants that move and spread across landscapes become branded as weeds and thereby objects of contention and control? We outline a political ecology approach that builds on a Lefebvrian understanding of the production of space, identifying three scalar moments that make plants into 'weeds' in different spatial contexts and landscapes. The three moments are: the operational scale, which relates to empirical phenomena in nature and society; the observational scale, which defines formal concepts of these phenomena and their implicit or explicit 'biopower' across institutional and spatial categories; and the interpretive scale, which is communicated through stories and actions expressing human feelings or concerns regarding the phenomena and processes of socio-spatial change. Together, these three scalar moments interact to produce a political ecology of landscape transformation, where biophysical and socio-cultural processes of daily life encounter formal categories and modes of control as well as emotive and normative expectations in shaping landscapes. Using three exemplar 'weeds' - acacia, lantana and ambrosia - our political ecology approach to landscape transformations shows that weeds do not act alone and that invasives are not inherently bad organisms. Humans and weeds go together; plants take advantage of spaces and opportunities that we create. Human desires for preserving certain social values in landscapes in contradiction to actual transformations is often at the heart of definitions of and conflicts over weeds or invasives.

This article primarily aims to demonstrate how diversity is reflected among urban Aboriginal peoples in Canada. Secondly, it uncovers if and how preventive health services in the province of Ontario, Canada are responsive to this diversity. Data for this study were gathered from a review of literature on culturally appropriate health service delivery to Aboriginal peoples in Canada and a qualitative exploratory study conducted with urban First Nation and Métis people, and health service providers and policy makers. The findings from review of literature and the exploratory study indicated that the nature of Aboriginal diversity and its trends are complex. From the document review, we can comprehend that socio-economic disparities among First Nations and Métis, compared to non-Aboriginal people, are reducing slowly; however, evidence from the exploratory study suggested otherwise and indicated that there is also a strong need for First Nation and Métis families to overcome barriers in order to improve their quality of live in urban Ontario, Canada. It is evident that health services for urban First Nation and Métis people cannot address existing health inequities by simplistic application of pan-Aboriginal strategies in preventive services. Initiatives for urban First Nation and Métis people require strategies that are targeted at the unique and distinct needs of First Nation and Métis residents regardless of their legal status, cultural pluralities, socio-economic backgrounds, and place of residence in cities.

The attempt to make a comparative study of Lviv and Łódź in search of certain regularities seems at the first glimpse rather farfetched, because apparently there are rather few analogies between the city of Lviv with its long history and multifunctional tradition and the monofunctional, rather young, industrial city of Łódź. But deeper analysis shows that despite many differences in the course of the history of both cities, some common tendencies can be traced, such as dynamic demographic and spatial development in the second half of the 19th century based on introduction of railway transport, the building of socio-economic and spatial structures of these cities by multi-cultural local communities, and going through half-a-century period of centralized socialist economy after the Second World War. Lviv and Łódź regained political independence almost at the same time (1989 in Poland and 1991 in Ukraine) and entered the route of democratic development, undergoing political and socio-economic transformations during the last 20 years. As a result of these processes as well as the influence of globalization, today we can observe in Łódź and in Lviv similar problems and phenomena, influencing their spatial development and functional restructuring. ; Udostępnienie publikacji Wydawnictwa Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego finansowane w ramach projektu "Doskonałość naukowa kluczem do doskonałości kształcenia". Projekt realizowany jest ze środków Europejskiego Funduszu Społecznego w ramach Programu Operacyjnego Wiedza Edukacja Rozwój; nr umowy: POWER.03.05.00-00-Z092/17-00.

Oral traditions may be found in many regions. One of them which enriches the treasure of local culture is the oral tradition of the myth of manguni (owl), which, in Minahasa, North Sulawesi, is purified and constitutes part of the local traditions which may help the local people overcome their problems. The oral tradition of the myth of manguni constitutes one of the local cultural products which may be potentially created, as can be seen in the creative industries currently motivated by the government of Indonesia. This present study was particularly intended to identify the form, ideology, and implication of the reinforcement of the myth of manguni in the community of Minahasa, North Sulawesi. The result of the present study showed that the myth of manguni was reinforced by the community in Minahasa, North Sulawesi, not only in the form of the creative industry of souvenirs, which are highly economically valuable, but also in various forms of symbols. The reinforcement of the myth of manguni in the community of Minahasa, North Sulawesi, contained the ideology of heroism, the myth of the origin of Minahasa, amusement, the communication between human beings and the Creator, conservation, and commodification. The implication of the reinforcement of the myth of manguni in the community of Minahasa, North Sulawesi, on the socio-culture of the Minahasan people included the aspect of ideological superstructure, the aspect of socio-culture and the aspect of material infrastructure.

Land use is one of the main drivers of ecosystem service provision. The forest transition theory has provided a productive framework for the analysis of land use dynamics worldwide, based on development trajectories leading from contraction to expansion of national or regional forest area. We propose that a similar generic framework can be developed to analyze and predict changes in the delivery of multiple ecosystem services, going beyond the simple consideration of changes in area of different land cover types to consider changes in their qualities in terms of ecosystem service supply. This framework depicts trajectories of provisioning, regulating and cultural services, and the resulting trade-offs when moving from agrarian societies focused on self-sufficiency to resource-extraction economies and amenity seeking societies. We illustrate the framework in the case of mountain socio-ecological systems, as key multifunctional systems which have undergone and are expected to undergo large changes in land use and ecosystem services as a result of global change. The analysis of case studies selected to picture the global diversity of mountain socio-ecological systems reveals how the interplay between ecological constraints and changes in demand as a result of societal change and specific policy instruments underpins past, current and expected ecosystem services. Finally we discuss expected impacts of drivers of global change such as climate or policy, and how the framework can be applied to understand transformations of mountain coupled human-environment systems.

The attempt to make a comparative study of Lviv and Łódź in search of certain regularities seems at the first glimpse rather farfetched, because apparently there are rather few analogies between the city of Lviv with its long history and multifunctional tradition and the monofunctional, rather young, industrial city of Łódź. But deeper analysis shows that despite many differences in the course of the history of both cities, some common tendencies can be traced, such as dynamic demographic and spatial development in the second half of the 19th century based on introduction of railway transport, the building of socio-economic and spatial structures of these cities by multi-cultural local communities, and going through half-a-century period of centralized socialist economy after the Second World War. Lviv and Łódź regained political independence almost at the same time (1989 in Poland and 1991 in Ukraine) and entered the route of democratic development, undergoing political and socio-economic transformations during the last 20 years. As a result of these processes as well as the influence of globalization, today we can observe in Łódź and in Lviv similar problems and phenomena, influencing their spatial development and functional restructuring. ; Udostępnienie publikacji Wydawnictwa Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego finansowane w ramach projektu "Doskonałość naukowa kluczem do doskonałości kształcenia". Projekt realizowany jest ze środków Europejskiego Funduszu Społecznego w ramach Programu Operacyjnego Wiedza Edukacja Rozwój; nr umowy: POWER.03.05.00-00-Z092/17-00.

A través de la sociedad española y la coreana, podemos ver la incorporación del darwinismo como un proceso dependiente de varios factores. Las implicaciones filosóficas del darwinismo tienen puntos contrarios a la filosofía occidental, pero con la filosofía oriental coinciden bastante. Sin embargo, el darwinismo nació en Occidente debido a su tradición intelectual y su situación social. En el encuentro entre sociedades y darwinismo, el factor más influyente de la sociedad española fue el pensamiento religioso e ideológico, en cambio en la coreana lo fue la situación socio-política de la época y la vía de transmisión. El catolicismo español se opuso a la teoría en la primera época de la apropiación, pero el protestantismo surcoreano lo objeta actualmente./n ; Through comparative research of Spanish and Korean societies, the societal and cultural incorporation of Darwinism influenced by a variety of factors of the community can be investigated. While the philosophical implications of Darwinism can contrast with Western philosophy, Eastern philosophy is more compatible. However, Darwinism was born in the West thanks to its intellectual tradition and political circumstances of the society. In Spanish society, the most influencing factor in the process of the incorporation of Darwinism was the religious ideology, whereas in Korea, it was the socio-political situations. Although Spanish Catholicism initially opposed Darwinism, it is now generally accepted. In contrast, the South Korean Protestantism currently objects to Darwinism.

Is Gangsta Rap just black noise? Or does it play the same role for urban youth that CNN plays in mainstream America? This provocative set of essays tells us how Gangsta Rap is a creative "report" about an urban crisis, our new American dilemma, and why we need to listen. Increasingly, police, politicians, and late-night talk show hosts portray today's inner cities as violent, crime-ridden war zones. The same moral panic that once focused on blacks in general has now been refocused on urban spaces and the black men who live there, especially those wearing saggy pants and hoodies. The media always spotlights the crime and violence, but rarely gives airtime to the conditions that produced these problems. The dominant narrative holds that the cause of the violence is the pathology of ghetto culture. Hip-hop music is at the center of this conversation. When 16-year-old Chicago youth Derrion Albert was brutally killed by gang members, many blamed rap music. Thus hip-hop music has been demonized not merely as black noise but as a root cause of crime and violence. Fear of a Hip-Hop Planet: America's New Dilemma explores—and demystifies—the politics in which the gulf between the inner city and suburbia have come to signify not only a socio-economic dividing line, but a new socio-cultural divide as well.

This article tackles the «Belgian problem » by focusing on the German-speaking Community, established in the East of the country. The contribution highlights both the turbulent past of this community, and its actual advantageous political and socio-economic context, to ground its analysis of some of its citizens' disinterest and distrust of the Belgian political sphere. However, these two elements also lead another, more committed group of citizens to desire more political and cultural autonomy. Far from influencing in an immediate way the institutional debates in Belgium, the very existence of the German-speaking community nonetheless invites to raise questions on the protection of minorities and the status of citizens of a territory torn between estranged political forces. ; Cette contribution aborde le «problème belge» par un de ses versants négligés, à savoir l'évolution et la place de la Communauté germanophone de Belgique. L'article retrace le passé mouvementé de cette communauté et souligne son contexte politique et socio-économique actuel plutôt avantageux, afin d'analyser le désintérêt de certains de ses citoyens, leur méfiance envers le politique, mais aussi la volonté de certains autres de trouver davantage d'autonomie culturelle et politique. Loin d'avoir une influence sur les débats institutionnels menés en Belgique, l'existence même de la Communauté germanophone invite pourtant à se poser des questions sur la protection des minorités et sur le statut de citoyens d'un territoire tiraillé entre des forces politiques qui les dépassent.