Suchergebnisse

While freedom of religion is constitutionally safeguarded in the United States, practice and expression thereof are modulated by apparatuses exhorting both ethnic and faith communities to flatten into expedient caricatures. The 'moderate Muslim' caricature is contingently acknowledged as a victim of animus thereby expected to unquestioningly advance state objectives. American Muslim scholars consequentially maintain a vigilant wariness of state engagement, sentiments further intensified when Donald Trump came to power. With the Trump regime's perilous track record, Muslims willing to engage the federal government during the initial term were expectedly criticized. Situating the American Muslim communal consultation process (al-shūrā), this article analyzes 100 opinion editorials responding to the Department of State's formation of the Commission on Unalienable Rights in 2019, and its inclusion of a recognizable Muslim scholar as commissioner. For disparate reasons, editorials authored by critical communal voices formulated a perceived consensus against any engagement with the regime whatsoever, suggesting self-censoring expressive parameters and balkanization. Using Daniel Hallin's sphere of deviance, findings indicate that amidst increased expectations for religious leaders to be more accessible and accommodating, communal consultation on political issues broke down in the virtual spaces the scholar's critics inhabited whilst his own public relations messaging operated with discernable ambivalence. Findings further suggest that as American Muslims increasingly identify with the social justice language of the far-left, communal thought leaders' racial, ethnic and cultural backgrounds disproportionately factor into how their words and engagements are interpreted and tolerated.

A city will develop physically and socio-culture. The Center of the city is a public space, which is the center for all activities of the urban community, whether they are political, social, or economic. Alun-Alun of Malang city consists of locations that are unique to one another. The conditions created in the Alun-Alun generate perceptions and preferences for visitors in assessing aspects to give an opinion regarding the design of the Alun-Alun of Malang city. This study aims to explain people's perceptions and preferences of Alun-Alun of Malang city, describes the design of the Square based on perceptions and preferences. This research was conducted in Alun-Alun of Malang city at Merdeka Selatan, Kauman, Klojen District. The method used in this research is the quantitative descriptive analysis method. Processing and analysis of respondent questionnaire data using Chi-Square analysis test. Based on the results of the study, it can be concluded that there is a significant influence between gender on the perceptions and preferences of visitors to aesthetic beauty and recreation areas, elements of flowering plants, pool elements, and round plant crown shapes. Recommendations for the management Alun-Alun of Malang city in terms of the value of the equation are 75% of respondents want Alun-Alun of Malang city to be arranged regularly or with various types of plants, 73.33% of respondents want a square with a garden that has flowering plants/trees and 61.67% as a place of recreation.A city will develop physically and socio-culture. The Center of the city as a public space, which is the center for all activities of the urban community, whether they are political, social or economic. Alun-alun of Malang city consists of locations that are unique to one another. The conditions created in the Alun-alun generate perceptions and preferences for visitors in assessing aspects to give an opinion regarding the design of the Alun-alun of Malang city. This study aims to explain people's perceptions and preferences of Alun-alun of Malang city, describes the design of the Square based on perceptions and preferences. This research was conducted in Alun-alun of Malang city at Merdeka Selatan, Kauman, Klojen District. The method used in this research is quantitative descriptive analysis method. Processing and analysis of respondent questionnaire data using Chi-Square analysis test. Based on the results of the study, it can be concluded that there is a significant influence between gender on the perceptions and preferences of visitors to aesthetic beauty and recreation areas, elements of flowering plants, pool elements, and round plant crown shapes. Recommendations for the management Alun-alun of Malang city in terms of the value of the equation are 75% of respondents want Alun-alun of Malang city to be arranged regularly or with various types of plants, 73.33% of respondents want a square with a garden that has flowering plants / trees and 61.67% as a place of recreation.

The development of the Internet and the appearance of social networks has completely changed the way we relate. Influencers are important in the new paradigm composed by the different professionals of the digital environments because they have the ability to influence certain audiences when they share an opinion or assessment about products, brands or services. Followers respond to common interests being the centre of communication on social networks (Sicilia and Palazón, 2008).
From an organizational perspective, social networks are a very important tool in relations with the stakeholders. Social networks have become a fundamental tool to position brands in the minds of consumers (Chu, 2011). Social networks are already a reality within the communication strategies of many companies (Qualman, 2013). In the field of public relations, many companies are trying to make the most of social media and Instagram becomes an indispensable tool for companies working in the beauty sector. Social networks have overcome the limitations that traditional media usually brought and have enabled users to proactively interact with the organization. This is the result of the process of transformation of social networks (Kilgour et al., 2015). Currently, stakeholders have stopped perceiving the organization's messages as commercial content to be perceived as social content. Furthermore, these tools have generated new spheres of influence that have considerably altered the organization's stakeholders map.
In particular, Instagram is the most evolved social network in 2019 and its penetration has grown exponentially in recent years. In this case, beauty influencers have increased their importance among opinion leaders on Instagram because they accumulate millions of followers with their content, allowing the user to be informed of market developments. This has led companies all over the world to include social networks as an essential part of their communication strategies in order to improve relations with their stakeholders. Thus, Instagram becomes an increasingly important tool to position their products or services, especially for entities operating in the beauty sector.
This research aims to find out how beauty influencers implement their communication on the Instagram as well as how their followers receive them. Other objectives that have been established with this study are to know the degree of engagement among users and instagrammers, as well as to identify the contents and frequency of publication. For this purpose, the research applies a methodological triangulation based on a content analysis and a survey. The content analysis has been applied to the accounts that make up the sample: the five influencers with the most followers on Instagram; and the survey has been applied to a total of 300 users with a profile on the Instagram. The field research for content analysis lasted one year, from March 15, 2019 to March 15, 2020. Results confirm that beauty influencers have significant power of prescription despite limited communication effort they make. Furthermore, the number of reactions to posts is mostly proportional to the number of followers that influencers have, so the likes and comments are directly related to the number of followers that instagramers have. Instagram is revealed as a public relations tool for beauty brands.

The regional autonomy system provides an opportunity for regions in the territory of Indonesia to utilize their sources of income independently so that the implementation of development in the regions does not only rely on finance from the central government. In this study, we are of the opinion that regions that are able to optimize their local own revenue will have an impact on increasing local financial independence. Local financial independence is the ability of a region to finance development in its area. Our other opinion assumes that the relationship between localown revenue and the local financial independence can be strengthened by the implementation of decentralization. With good decentralization, local governments are more transparent in providing all information to the public, can increase accountability because public services are getting closer, local governments can take strategic decisions, improve fiscal management, improve economic growth and market security. The new contribution of this study is related to the literature of the merging of the relationship between local own revenue, decentralization, and local financial independence that was built through Moderated Regression Analysis (MRA) evidence in one of the regions in Indonesia, namely Ciamis. The results of the study show that regional local own revenues influence local financial independence. Meanwhile, decentralization which is proxied using local government expenditures is able to strengthen the relationship of local own revenues to local financial independence. So it can be concluded that the effective implementation of decentralization is able to encourage an increase in regional income that comes from its own sources to realize financial independence in the region. Keywords—Decentralization, Local Financial Independent, Local Own Revenue. Abstrak Sistem otonomi daerah memberikan kesempatan kepada daerah-daerah di wilayah Indonesia untuk memanfaatkan sumber-sumber pendapatannya secara mandiri agar pelaksanaan pembangunan di daerah tidak hanya mengandalkan keuangan yang berasal dari pemerintah pusat. Dalam studi ini, kami berpendapat bahwa daerah yang mampu mengoptimalkan pendapatan asli daerahnya akan berdampak terhadap meningkatnya kemandirian keuangan daerah. Kemandirian keuangan daerah adalah kemampuan suatu daerah dalam membiayai pembangunan di daerahnya. Pendapat kami lainnya menganggap bahwa hubungan pendapatan asli daerah dengan kemandirian keuangan daerah dapat diperkuat oleh pelaksanaan desentralisasi yang baik. Dengan desentralisasi yang baik maka pemerintah daerah lebih transparan dalam memberikan semua informasi kepada publik, dapat meningkatkan akuntabilitas karena pelayanan publik menjadi lebih dekat, pemerintah daerah dapat mengambil keputusan yang strategis, meningkatkan manajemen fiscal, meningkatkan pertumbuhan ekonomi dan keamanan pasar. Kontribusi baru dari studi ini adalah menyangkut literature penggabungan hubungan antara pendapatan asli daerah, desentralisasi, dan kemandirian keuangan daerah yang dibangun melalui Moderated Regression Analysis (MRA) bukti pada salah satu daerah di Indonesia, yaitu Ciamis. Hasil studi menunjukan bahwa pendapatan asli daerah berpengaruh terhadap kemandirian keuangan daerah. Sementara itu desentralisasi yang diproksi menggunakan pengeluaran pemerintah daerah mampu memperkuat hubungan pendapatanasli daerah terhadap kemandirian keuangan daerah. Jadi dapat disimpulkan bahwa pelaksaksanaan desentralisasi yang efektif mampu mendorong peningkatan pendapatan daerah yang berasal dari sumber-sumbernya sendiri untuk mewujudkan kemandirian keuangan di daerah. Kata kunci—Desentralisasi, Kemandirian Keuangan Daerah, Pendapatan Asli Daerah.

Razvoj digitalne tehnologije otvorio je vrata novim mogućnostima stvaranja i prenošenja informacija u različitim oblicima uz pomoć digitalnih medija. Civilno društvo sve češće preuzima i javne usluge koje država prestaje ili više ne uspijeva pružati te je svojevrsni korektiv državnim institucijama, osobito kada su one slabe i nedjelotvorne. Takve društvene promjene stavljaju pred građane i civilno društvo velik izazov. Internetski mediji, posebno društvene mreže, zahvaljujući mogućnosti interaktivne komunikacije na određen način utječu na razvoj političkoga aktivizma kod građana. Pomak od konvencionalnih medija (novine, televizija) na nekonvencionalne (internet) omogućava decentralizaciju komunikacije, otežava kontrolu i restrikcije i čini informacije te razmjenu mišljenja i stavova široko dostupnima. Tako se građanima preko društvenih mreža pruža prilika da sudjeluju u javnome diskursu, iznose mišljenja i stavove te raspravljaju o političkim i društvenim pitanjima. Nekada viđeni samo kao pasivni konzumenti, gledatelji postaju aktivni sudionici kao građani – izvor informacija (Perišin, 2004), što uvelike utječe na interakciju među građanima i razvoj kritičnoga mišljenja. Napredak tehnologije i razvoj društvenih mreža, također, omogućavaju lakše umrežavanje te poticanje razvoja određenih građanskih inicijativa. Time se ujedno otvaraju nove mogućnosti jačanja potencijala organizacija civilnoga društva za mobilizaciju građana za sudjelovanje u društveno korisnim programima i projektima, kao i općenito prostor podrške razvoju civilnoga društva. Svrha je ovoga rada istražiti kako upotreba internetskih medija odnosno društvenih mreža utječe i potiče razvoj građanskoga aktivizma i civilnog društva. ; The evolution of digital technology has opened the door to new means of creating and passing information in various forms with the help of new media. Civil society often takes over public services that the state does not or cannot provide, and serves as a sort of corrective for state institutions, especially if the institutions are weak or ineffective. Such social changes are a great challenge to citizens and civil society. Due to their potential for interactive communication, online media, and particularly social networks influence the development of political activism. The transition from conventional media (newspaper, television) to unconventional (internet, social networks) enables the decentralisation of communication, hinders restrictions and control as well as makes the exchange of opinion and information widely accessible. Through social networks, citizens are allowed to participate in public discourse, present their opinions and thoughts, and discuss political and social matters. Once seen as pure passive consumers, the viewers now become active participants as citizens – the source of information (Perišin, 2010), which has a great impact on the interaction between citizens as well as the development of critical thought. The very advancement of technology and the evolution of social networks enable easier networking and encourage certain civic initiatives. This in result opens up new possibilities for the strengthening of the civic initiative's potential for citizen mobilisation towards participating in socially beneficial programs and projects as well as opening up new space for the support of civil society. The purpose of this paper is to investigate how the use of Internet media, i.e. social networks, affect and stimulate the development of civic activism and civil society.

Facing the global ecological crisis, international organizations, national governments, financial institutions and private business have supported the idea of a green economy searching for win-win scenarios and public-private partnerships. Unfortunately, this perspective does not usually consider alternative conceptions of well-being, justice and happiness. The case of the Barro Blanco hydroelectric project in Western Panama warns against the underlying assumptions of the prevailing environmental discourse of sustainable development. Unless development projects start considering different opinions, ideals and expectations, there will be the possibility for protracted conflict and severe environmental damage as happened with the forceful flooding of Ngäbe communities in a hydroelectric reservoir linked with the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) of the Kyoto Protocol. As negotiations continue for new market-based mechanisms to mitigate climate change, lessons should be learned from the Barro Blanco debacle to find new pathways that reduce greenhouse emissions and at the same time respect human rights and indigenous worldviews and territoriality. ; Encarando a crise ecológica global, organizações internacionais, governos nacionais, instituições financeiras e empresas privadas apoiam a ideia de uma economia verde procurando por cenários vantajosos para as duas partes e por parcerias público-privadas. Infelizmente, esta perspectiva nem sempre considera concepções alternativas de bem-estar, justiça e felicidade. O caso do projeto hidroelétrico Barro Blanco no Panamá Ocidental alerta contra suposições subjacentes do discurso ambiental predominante no desenvolvimento sustentável. A menos que projetos em desenvolvimento comecem a considerar diferentes opiniões, ideais e expectativas, haverá a possibilidade de conflitos prolongados e um ambiente danificado como aconteceu com a inundação forçada das comunidades Ngäbe em um reservatório hidrelétrico ligado ao Mecanismo de Desenvolvimento Limpo (MDL) do Protocolo de Kyoto. Como as negociações continuam para os novos mecanismos assentes no mercado para atenuar a mudança climática, lições deviam ser aprendidas do fracasso do Barro Blanco em encontrar novos caminhos que reduzem a emissão de gases de efeito estufa e, ao mesmo tempo, respeitar os direitos humanos e respeitar as visões de mundo e territorialidade dos indígenas. ; Facing the global ecological crisis, international organizations, national governments, financial institutions and private business have supported the idea of a green economy searching for win-win scenarios and public-private partnerships. Unfortunately, this perspective does not usually consider alternative conceptions of well-being, justice and happiness. The case of the Barro Blanco hydroelectric project in Western Panama warns against the underlying assumptions of the prevailing environmental discourse of sustainable development. Unless development projects start considering different opinions, ideals and expectations, there will be the possibility for protracted conflict and severe environmental damage as happened with the forceful flooding of Ngäbe communities in a hydroelectric reservoir linked with the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) of the Kyoto Protocol. As negotiations continue for new market-based mechanisms to mitigate climate change, lessons should be learned from the Barro Blanco debacle to find new pathways that reduce greenhouse emissions and at the same time respect human rights and indigenous worldviews and territoriality.

Drawing on twelve months of fieldwork and over two years of in-depth online ethnographic work, the dissertation examines state management and popular activism on Chinese internet forums as a window onto China's authoritarian state. Through examination of state management and popular activism on Chinese internet forums, I find not only a conventional cat-and-mouse censorship game in which the party-state, intermediary actors and forum users struggle over the limits of online expression, but also discourse competition in which the regime, its critics and netizens engineer popular opinion to their advantage.I find that censorship is more complicated than the usual picture of state-society confrontation. It involves the fragmented state, many intermediary actors and netizens with diverse purposes and motivations. To understand the mechanism of the censorship, I trace the evolution of the state censorship system, and explore its external challenges and internal fragmentation (Chapter 2). I also examine forum managers' censorship responsibilities and their "discontented compliance" as a response to state control and netizens' demands (Chapter 3). My examination of netizen activism shows that forum users engage in "pop activism" that blurs the boundary of political participation and popular entertainment (Chapter 4). In the censorship game, though state coercive power establishes the basic logic of censorship, technological know-how and expressive creativity enable forum managers and netizens to counterbalance state control.In discourse competition, both the regime and its critics have attempted to engineer popular opinion through anonymous public relations strategies. The state's attempts to turn propaganda into public relations through mobilization of paid internet commentators - popularly known as the "fifty cents army" -frequently backfire and chip away at its legitimacy (Chapter 5). However, regime critics' efforts in discourse competition have produced the political framing of regime challengers as saboteurs of the nation rather than freedom fighters (Chapter 6), leading to the rise of pro-regime netizen communities that voluntarily defend the authoritarian regime. By examining how these regime-defending netizens adopt their identity, construct a community and sustain pro-regime discourse, I challenge assumptions about the internet's democratizing power (Chapter 7).My dissertation presents a nuanced picture of internet politics and a complex pattern of state-society interaction in a reforming authoritarian regime. Unlike earlier work which assumes a control-liberalization relationship between the state and the netizens, both of which are implicitly treated as single entities, my dissertation highlights the internal fragmentation of Chinese state and challenges the assumption of a monolithic internet that is inherently liberalizing and democratizing. These findings also speak to both the literature on authoritarian resilience as well as recent work on technological empowerment. As scholars devote more attention to understanding varieties of authoritarianism and authoritarian resilience, my work suggests that the "authoritarian resilience" literature focuses too heavily on the regime's adaptability without sufficient attention to the nature and impact of challenges towards the regime. My findings also propose that work on "technological empowerment" overemphasizes the emancipatory character of the internet while neglecting the limitations of internet mobilization.

Public law scholarship is increasingly turning from questions about the content of law to questions about which institution should determine the content of the law – that is, to "deciding who decides." Implicit in this turn is the understanding that public law – including broadly not just constitutional law, but also administrative law and statutory interpretation – consists of norms that are contestable and changing. In a world of normative flux, the question naturally occurs: Who should be responsible for "say[ing] what the law is?" The answer traditionally given by American legal academics – the federal courts, and especially the Supreme Court – may or may not be the best choice in any given context. Other possible agents of norm articulation – the constitutional amendment process, Congress, the President, administrative agencies, state governments, world organizations, markets – also need to be considered and evaluated on a comparative basis. The law of preemption is ripe for reconsideration in light of this kind of comparative institutional analysis. At least two broad trends support this inference. First, a number of Supreme Court decisions have suggested, at least implicitly, that preemption questions should be redirected from the courts to Congress. In Cipollone v. Liggett Group, Inc., for example, Justice Stevens's opinion for the Court stated that when Congress has enacted an express preemption clause, this should provide the exclusive basis for decision, rather than any doctrine of implied preemption. This proposition, if consistently applied, would promote the view that preemption should be primarily a matter of legislative determination. Other decisions have applied a presumption against preemption unless a "clear and manifest purpose of Congress" to preempt can be discerned. This presumption, if consistently applied, would also shift authority for making preemption decisions from the courts to Congress. A second trend suggesting the need for an institutional choice analysis is a growing controversy about whether courts should defer to the views of administrative agencies on the preemptive effect of statutes and regulations. The Supreme Court dodged the issue in Watters v. Wachovia Bank, N.A., which presented the question whether a preemptive regulation issued by the Office of the Comptroller of the Currency (OCC) was entitled to Chevron deference by reviewing courts. Five Justices, speaking through Justice Ginsburg, concluded that it was unnecessary to reach this question because the statute itself compelled preemption. Three dissenting Justices – Justice Stevens joined by Chief Justice Roberts and Justice Scalia – would have decided the question and held that agencies are not entitled to Chevron deference for preemption determinations. Controversy has also been stirred by the practice of federal agencies offering advisory opinions about the preemptive effect of federal statutes and regulations. Products liability defendants have urged courts to defer to these views. The Supreme Court again recently avoided determining how much weight courts should give such views as advanced by the Food and Drug Administration (FDA), but has granted review in yet another case which now may require that it revisit the issue in the FDA context. Obviously, a general practice of deferring to administrative agencies on questions of preemption would shift authority for resolving preemption controversies away from courts toward agencies.

The article identifies the features of intercultural communication in the context of European regulations. Based on an analytical review of scientific research of European and domestic scientists, the authors have identified the essence of the concept of "intercultural communication" in the European educational space and European documents in particular; clarification of the difference between the concepts of intercultural and cultural communication. The set of theoretical methods made it possible to identify the leading trends in European policy in the field of intercultural communication, ways to implement the main tasks and provisions of such policy and outline its main priorities and difficulties in modern socio-political conditions characterized by instability and uncertainty.It is established that intercultural communication in the European scientific and educational dimension is understood as a way of cooperation and cultural exchange, which provides for the establishment of understanding between representatives of different countries, nationalities, religions, etc.The priority goals of intercultural communication according to the provisions of European documents in this direction are: to foster intercultural understanding, tolerance, mutual respect and ethics of global citizenship and shared responsibility; development of intercultural empathy and education, training of representatives of different nations, ethnic groups and peoples to consider, analyze and solve problems related to cultural differences; to cultivate in the representatives of different states intercultural attitudes, including the manifestation of tolerance, respect, curiosity and receptivity to other cultures; to ensure the acquisition by representatives of different cultures and states of cultural knowledge, both general and specific to a particular culture, paying special attention to contextual and subtextual cultural elements; to recognize the natural and cultural diversity of the world, to recognize that all cultures and civilizations can contribute to sustainable development and are its decisive factors.Analysis of the functioning of various structural organizations of the EU revealed that their professional and social activities are directed in two directions: conceptual (dissemination of information on new laws and regulations of the European Union in the field of intercultural communication), which ensures the implementation of the value component of intercultural communication; functional (organization of various cultural events, events aimed at cooperation between representatives of different nations, ethnic groups, social strata, etc.), which ensures the implementation of basic tasks by means of direct communication and various forms of intercultural communication (festivals, creative weeks, days of European culture in education and public cultural institutions, thematic exhibitions in museums, various choreographic and theatrical performances for children and adults, etc.).It is determined that the most relevant trends in the development of European educational policy in the field of intercultural communication are: the establishment of broad communication and partnership in various spheres of life, especially - education, culture, politics and economics; expansion of public interaction and partnership for peace with the countries of the Eastern region; search for permanent means of influencing public opinion on the rule of human rights and freedoms in relation to the will, cultural affiliation, recognition and acceptance of intercultural diversity; establishing cooperation between the Ministries of Culture, Education and Science, the Ministries of Foreign Affairs; development of the existing network of cultural, public and public organizations for the dissemination of knowledge and competencies in intercultural communication; further financial assistance and encouragement of exchange between scientific circles and practices in the field of international cultural relations.Among the barriers to the implementation of intercultural communication, the authors distinguish: creating and maintaining a comfortable psychological atmosphere for each representative of different cultures; ensuring tolerant interaction and cooperation; optimal organization of group cooperation and ensuring the implementation of the principle of diversity. ; У статті визначено особливості забезпечення міжкультурної комунікації в контексті європейських нормативно-правових документів. На основі аналітичного огляду наукових досліджень європейських та вітчизнянихвчених авторами визначено сутність поняття «міжкультурна комунікація» у європейському освітньому просторі та європейських документах зокрема; здійснено уточнення щодо різниці між поняттями міжкультурна такультурна комунікація. Комплекс теоретичних методів уможливив визначення провідних тенденції розвитку європейської політики у сфері міжкультурної комунікації, шляхи імплементації основних завдань таположень такої політики та окресли-ти її основні пріоритети і труднощі реалізації в сучасних суспільно-політичних умовах, що характеризуються нестабільністю та невизначеністю.Встановлено, що під міжкультурною комунікацією в європейському науково-освітньому вимірі прийнято розуміти такий спосіб спікування та культурного обміну, який забезпечує налагодження порозуміння міжпредстав-никами різних країн, національностей, релігій тощо. Пріоритетними цілями міжкультурної комунікації за положеннямиєвропейських документів у цьому напрямі є: виховувати міжкультурне взаємо-розуміння, толерантність, взаємоповагу та етику глобального громадянства та спільної відповідальності; розвиток міжкультурної емпатії та освіченості, навчання представників різних націй, етнічних груп та народів розглядати, аналізувати та вирішувати проблеми, пов'язаних з культурними відмінностя-ми; виховувати у представників різних держав міжкультурні установки, що включають прояв толерантності, поваги,допитливості та сприйнятливості до інших культур; забезпечувати набуття представниками різних культур та держав культурних знань, як загальних, так і специфічних для певної культури, приділяючи особливу увагу контекстуальним та підконтекстним культурним елементам; визнати природне та культурне різноманіття світу, визнати, що всі культури тацивілізації можуть сприяти сталому розвитку та є його вирішальними чинниками.Аналіз функціонування різних структурних організації ЄС дозволив, установити, що їхня професійна та суспільна діяльність спрямована два напрямки: концептуальний (розповсюдження інформації щодо нових законівта положень Європейського Союзу в сфері міжкультурної комунікації), що забезпе-чує реалізацію ціннісної складової міжкультурної комунікації; функціональний (організація різноманітних культурних заходів, заходівспрямованих на коопе-рацію між представниками різних націй, етнічних груп,соціальних прошарків тощо), що забезпечує імплементацію основних завдань засобами безпосередньої комунікації та різних форм організації міжкультурної комунікації (фестивалі, творчі тижні, дні європейськоїкультури в освітніх та громадських закладах культури, тематичні виставки в музеях, різні хореографічні та театральні постановки для дітей та дорослих тощо). Визначено, що найбільш актуальними є такі тенденції розвитку європейської освітньої політики у сфері міжкультурної комунікації як:налагодження широкої комунікації та партнерства у різних сферах життя,насамперед – освіта, культура, політика та економіка; розширення суспільної взаємодії та партнерства в цілях миру з країнами Східного регіону; пошук постійних засобів впливу на суспільну думку щодо верховенства прав тасвобод людини щодо її волевиявлення, культурної приналежності, визнаннята прийняття міжкультурної різноманітності; налагодження співпраці між міністерствами культури, освіти та науки, міністерствами закордонних справ; розвиток існуючої мережі культурних, громадських та публічнихорганізацій для розповсюдження знань та компетентностей у міжкультурнійкомунікації; подальше фінансове сприяння та заохочення обміну між науковими колами та практиками в галузі міжнародних культурних відносин. Серед бар'єрів імплементації міжкультурної комунікації авторивиокремлюють: створення та підтримка комфортної психологічної атмосфери для кожного представника різних культур; забезпечення толерантної взаємодії та кооперації; оптимальна організація групової співпраці та забезпечення реалізації принципу різноманітності.

By the end of 2008, the government of the state of Rio de Janeiro, in Brazil, established Peacekeeping Police Units (UPP) at certain favelas (slums). This pacification program aimed at occupying permanently those slums in Rio, promoting security and restoring bonds of trust between citizens and the police. This research's objective is to study the Peacekeeping Police Units narrative dynamics from the mediated point of view of the local newspaper, O Globo. Considering both real, and dynamic media narrative dimensions, we question the influence its reporting about the subject might have had in directing our attention, as well as our political demands. Putting it more generally, we question what has been said in a certain press narrative about the society which it mirrors. Having this framework in mind, we analyse the communication setting as we highlight the activity of reciprocal comprehension that makes it possible. It is then required to examine the media as a sphere of society as it stands in dialogue with other spheres of society and could alter the way we conceive social practices and society itself. The way O Globo has construed its narrative around the pacification project, between 2010 and 2018 : that is what this research tries to understand, weaving together the themes of poverty, insecurity, inequality, and fear. In a democracy, the media is the guarantee of the circulation of opinions, helping the political debate. Our focus is to analyse the way in which the discourse on insecurity, fear, and violence became present to the carioca reality through O Globo's coverage of the Peacekeeping Police Units. ; À la fin de l'année 2008, le gouvernement de l'État de Rio de Janeiro créa dans certaines favelas de la ville le projet des Unités de Police Pacificatrice, connu sous l'acronyme UPP. L'objectif de ce programme de pacification était d'occuper en permanence les bidonvilles de Rio afin de les sécuriser et de rétablir les liens de confiance entre les habitants et les policiers. L'objectif de cette recherche est d'étudier la dynamique de la mise en récit des Unités de Police Pacificatrice sous le prisme de sa médiatisation dans le journal carioca O Globo. En prenant en compte les dimensions réelles et symboliques des récits médiatiques, nous nous demandons dans quelle mesure ces reportages peuvent avoir joué un rôle dans le processus d'organisation de l'attention de notre regard et de nos demandes politiques. Plus globalement, nous nous interrogeons sur ce que dit un récit de presse par rapport à la société dont il est le reflet. Dans le cadre de ce travail, nous appréhendons le domaine de la communication en mettant en lumière l'activité de compréhension réciproque qu'il rend possible. Il a ainsi été question d'examiner les médias en tant que sphère de la société qui dialogue avec les autres sphères qui en font partie et qui serait capable de modifier la façon dont nous concevons les pratiques sociales et la société en elle-même. Le lien qui tisse cette recherche entre les thématiques de la pauvreté, de l'insécurité, des inégalités et de la peur s'avère tout à la fois central et original pour comprendre comment, entre 2010 et 2018, O Globo a mis en récit le projet de pacification. Dans un régime démocratique, les médias assurent la circulation des opinions et contribuent, ainsi, au débat politique. Il était ici question d'analyser la manière dont les discours sur l'insécurité, la peur et la violence deviennent présents dans la réalité carioca par le biais des reportages d'O Globo qui traitent des Unités de Police Pacificatrice.

Purpose. This paper aims to show how the views of Kant persist in the modern debate on social justice and to outline the practical and political potential contained in his understanding of a just state system and international justice. To that end, I will present what Kant meant by a just state system and just relationships between states. Then, I will reference his understanding of social justice against three fundamental models of social justice thus far established in the philosophical tradition: the legal, distributive, and contractual justice. Finally, I will explain how the Kantian understanding of social justice is reflected in select modern interpretations of a just state system and justice in international relationships, and how we can grasp the current practice and the expected development of sociopolitical life in the framework of social justice as understood by Kant. Originality. The article presents the theoretical-conceptual and practical-political relevance of the concept of social justice, developed by I. Kant. It was shown that Kant considered justice to be the basis of all correct social relations, both at the level of individual states and in the sphere of international relations. According to Kant, the only just state system is a republic. In his opinion, justice in the field of international relations requires that they be based on the principles of federal unification of individual states. The concept of social justice developed by Kant can be identified as a form of classically understood contractual justice. In addition, Kan's notion of justice was correlated with the works of modern authors: John Rawls, Robert Nozick and Otfried Höffe, showing identical and different elements in them. Conclusions. The reflections above suffice to assert that the Kantian understanding of social justice primarily involves the following observations: 1. under a relevant contract, interested parties institute a public authority, i.e. a republican state (at the level of citizen-to-citizen relations) or a federal institution endowed with judicial or executive powers (in the international arena); 2. the institution of public authority (a republican state, a federal court or government) remains fair (impartial) in dealings with the governed; 3. the public authority has the right to intervene only in the circumstances of threat to the external freedom, equality and independence of the governed individuals; 4. the public authority is responsible only for guaranteeing just relations between individuals and the enforcement of their contracts. Furthermore, Kantian understanding of justice falls within the scope of the classical notion of contractual justice and remains present in the modern debates on justice, as exemplified by the thought of Rawls, Nozick and Höffe. Finally, the Kantian understanding of social justice remains topical and worthy of consideration during the design and the development of current and future solutions for a just public order, both at the national and international level.

Perumusan masalah dalam penelitian ini adalah bagaimana strategi PR PDI Perjuangan Kota Tangerang dalam memenangkan Jokowi-JK dalam pemilihan presiden 2014 di Kota Tangerang? Tujuan utama penelitian ini adalah untuk (1) mengetahui jenis strategi PR yang dilakukan oleh PDI Perjuangan Kota Tangerang dalam memenangkan pasangan Joko Widodo-Jusuf Kalla pada Pemilu 2014; (2) mengetahui implementasi strategi PR yang dilakukan oleh PDI Perjuangan Kota Tangerang dalam memenangkan pasangan Joko WidodoJusuf Kalla pada Pemilu 2014; dan (3) untuk mengevaluasi pengimplementasian strategi PR yang dilakukan oleh PDI Perjuangan Kota Tangerang dalam memenangkan pasangan Joko Widodo-Jusuf Kalla pada Pemilu 2014. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode deskriptif kualitatif. Dalam penelitian ini, data-data diperoleh melalui observasi partisipatif dan wawancara. Hasil penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa PDI Perjuangan Kota Tangerang telah menerapkan strategi PR yang salah satunya dilakukan dengan membangun hubungan dengan media dan jurnalis sehingga sosialisasi yang dilakukan dapat berjalan dengan baik. Penerapan strategi tersebut berkontribusi bagi kemenangan pasangan Joko Widodo-Jusuf Kalla dalam perolehan suara di Kota Tangerang pada Pemilu 2014.Kata kunci: Strategi Public Relations, pemilihan presiden, PDI Perjuangan, Joko Widodo-Jusuf Kalla Formulation of the problem in this study were ( 1 ) How PR strategy PDI Tangerang City in winning Jokowi -JK in the 2014 presidential election in the city of Tangerang ? The main objective to be achieved in this study were ( 1 ) To determine the type of PR strategy PDI Tangerang In Winning Couple Joko Widodo - Jusuf Kalla In the 2014 Presidential Election ; ( 2 ) To investigate the implementation of PR strategy PDI Tangerang In Winning Couple Joko Widodo - Jusuf Kalla In the 2014 Presidential Election ; ( 3 ) To know the results of the evaluation of the implementation of PR strategy PDI Tangerang In Winning Couple Joko Widodo - Jusuf Kalla In the 2014 Presidential Election. This research approach is qualitative and descriptive. In this study, they were the subject of research is informants ( key figure ). Subjects of this study were divided into two principal components, which consist of internal public and external public ie the Chairman of the PDI -P Tangerang City, Party cadres, observers and journalists. The object of this study is the behavior, activities and opinion of the Public Relations Team PDI struggle Tangerang. This study used data collection techniques with interviews, participant observation, and triangulation of data. The results of this study showed, PR PDI PerjuanganTangerang City has implemented a strategy, and the type of strategy and establish a good relationship with the media, journalists, so socialization goes well. As well as the evaluation associated with the party strategy. Victory Jokowi - JK in Tangerang as a result of the passage of communication and types of strategies appropriate to the characteristics of the city of Tangerang.Keywords: Public Relations Strategy , Presidential Election, PDI Perjuangan, Joko Widodo-Jusuf Kalla

The article analyses the new problems coming out in the Italian health care system, a particular sector of social policies. The literature and the national debate lead to a both descriptive and theoretical reflections about the health policies aims, in order to understand the implications of the impact of market thinking on social justice and effects on fundamental values like solidarity and reciprocity. The health problems about the relationship between state and market concerns not only the economical, political and social consequences, but also the ethical ones concerning equity conditions of the Italian National Health Service. Indeed, the main health issues are: the problem of waiting lists and the freedom of choice for patients-customers; the relationship between medical doctors and patients and the implications from a professional ethics point of view; the impact of legal regulations and market initiatives introduced by the European Commission for pragmatic reasons (cost control) etc. Studying the evolution oh health policy in Italy, within the framework of the dominant solidarity model of the Italian welfare system, we analyse the new equilibrium between the State and the market in delivering health care services. It concerns the role of government and the private sector, their aims of providing better ways of health care, in order to address the issues of the effect of market thinking and its impact on equitable access to health care, system efficiency, outcome for both individual and population, and on the doctor-patient relationship. We also examine the systems of health care funding (i.e.: who is paying? public, private insurance, other private funds, out of pocket payments), with implication for equity and efficiency. We focus our attention on the large request of health goods and services, that represents a big challenge for the recent economic and social situation, with limited resources and necessity to change its redistributive criteria. This has implications for questions dealing with territorial solidarity, with special reference to the Northern/Southern divide. Moreover, we look at attitudes and opinions expressed by Italian people on their level of satisfaction with the INHS. This has implications not just on health financing, but also on preference for a public or a private system (exit/voice/loyalty to use Hirschman's terminology). In this way, we try to examine some issues like: a) levels of satisfaction between public and private health: both similarities and differences in the regions; b) freedom of choice; c) no to public health in the hands of the private sector: the verdict of the electorate; d) differing attitude of the people towards the public and private sector etc. Finally, we debate how in western countries the concepts of needs and right to health change of meanings and this imposes a ri-definition of the notion of health citizenship, strictly connected with welfare and market.

The subject of the paper is the representation of the life and work of Julius F. Leo, his achievements and scientific opinions in the area of public finance, merits in the field of municipal administration as well as his views and political career. J. F. Leo was one of the outstanding personalities of Cracow in the early 20th century. He was the first President of the Polish Statistical Association founded in Cracow in 1912. He was a prominent lawyer and economist of his time, he worked on problems of public finances as a Professor of tax law and treasury sciences at the Jagiellonian University. During his studies and trips abroad he became acquainted with the issues of economic statistics, the validity of which, he had a great understanding for. A large part of his public activity was associated with the activities of the municipality. Since 1893 he was a councilor of Cracow, in 1901 he became the Vice‑Mayor and then in 1904 (until his death) the Mayor of Cracow. During his time in office he introduced a number of important reforms in the management of the city. J. F. Leo's life's work was a significant widening of the city limits, hence he was named "the father of the great Cracow". Julius F. Leo was an important politician, the leader of the Galician neo‑conservatives. In 1901 he was elected to the Galician Sejm and in the year of 1904 to the Austrian Parliament. His political views have evolved from conservatism to liberalism. In 1912 he became the President of the Polish Circle in the Austrian Parliament. At the outbreak of the First World War he supported creation of Polish Legions by Józef Piłsudski. He was also the head of the Supreme National Committee. However, he did not live long enough to experience the moment of Poland regaining its independence, he died in February 1918. ; Przedmiotem artykułu jest przedstawienie drogi życiowej Juliusza Leo, jego osiągnięć naukowych w dziedzinie finansów publicznych, zasług w zakresie administracji samorządowej, a także jego poglądów i kariery politycznej. Leo był wybitną osobistością Krakowa początku XX wieku, pierwszym prezesem założonego w Krakowie w 1912 roku Polskiego Towarzystwa Statystycznego. Był on wybitnym prawnikiem i ekonomistą, zajmował się problemami finansów publicznych, był profesorem nauki skarbowości i prawa skarbowego Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego. W czasie studiów i wyjazdów zagranicznych zapoznał się z zagadnieniami statystyki gospodarczej. Duża część jego aktywności publicznej związana była z działalnością samorządową, gdyż od 1893 roku był radnym Krakowa, od roku 1901 wiceprezydentem miasta, a od 1904 roku aż do śmierci prezydentem. Wprowadził szereg ważnych reform w zarządzaniu miastem. Dziełem J. Leo było znaczne poszerzenie granic miasta, stąd nazwany został "ojcem wielkiego Krakowa". Juliusz Leo był ważnym politykiem galicyjskim, przywódcą neokonserwatystów krakowskich. W 1901 roku został wybrany do Sejmu Galicyjskiego, a w roku 1904 do parlamentu austriackiego. Jego poglądy polityczne ewoluowały od konserwatyzmu do liberalizmu. W 1912 roku został przewodniczącym Koła Polskiego w parlamencie austriackim. W chwili wybuchu I wojny światowej poparł tworzenie przez Józefa Piłsudskiego Legionów Polskich. Stanął też na czele Naczelnego Komitetu Narodowego. Nie dożył chwili odzyskania przez Polskę niepodległości – zmarł w lutym 1918 roku.