Suchergebnisse

The international media's use of news frames in its coverage of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict is investigated to determine whether international journalists actually provide real, representative, & effective news coverage. The question concerning whether the international media's delineation of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict as a struggle in which neither side can win actually constitutes faithful, unbiased reporting is addressed. The international media's coverage of two incidents between Sept & Oct 2000 in which a Palestinian boy died in his father's arms during an exchange between Israeli & Palestinian forces & two Israeli soldiers were executed by Palestinian fighters is subsequently analyzed to determine why the first incident received greater coverage than the second in the international press & TV. Several reasons for this discrepancy in the coverage of both events are offered, eg, the international community is more inclined to perceive Palestinians as victims. The study's implications for improving the international media's framing of news events are also pondered. 28 References. J. W. Parker

"This chapter examines specific consequences of the practices of the Israeli regime in the occupied territory for the part of Israel that most Israelis consider the proper part of the state: the area within the Green Line. My assumption is that even if die occupation ends today, die impact of decades of occupation will leave sufficiently deep imprints on the structure and political culture of the Israeli regime to stifle its future democratic character. Any assessment of the impact of Israel's occupation on aspects of Israeli democracy since the Six Day War, and especially the impact of decades of expanding controversial Jewish settlements in the occupied territories, faces the methodological difficulty of attributing specific regressions in Israeli democracy since 1967 to the causal effects of the occupation. The difficulty resides in the fact that social and political transformations, as well as changes in the economy, technology of communications, patterns of migration and immigration, shifts in collective values, and developments in political culture, may have had deleterious effects on Israeli democracy regardless of the occupation. Nevertheless, while I do not intend to discuss hypothetical speculative history, I think that the omnipresence of the occupation in the life of the Israeli democracy provides a wide-ranging basis for substantiating preliminary observations on the impact of the occupation on Israeli politics, legal structure, the military, social perceptions of the limits of legitimate internal and external uses of force, norms and practices of the bureaucracy, the educational system, the formal and informal status of Israeli Arabs, the relations between religion and politics, and the international legitimacy of Israel as a democracy." (extract)

Die Autorin gibt einen Überblick über die Entstehung und Ziele des "Arab Human Development Report" (AHDR), welcher im Frühjahr 2002 als fünfbändige Reihe unter der Schirmherrschaft des "United Nations Development Programme" (UNDP) angelegt wurde. Sie konfrontiert den AHDR als endogenen Ansatz einer arabischen Erneuerung mit den diesbezüglichen politischen Strategien der zentralen externen Akteure gegenüber der Region, insbesondere der USA und der EU, und zieht eine erste Zwischenbilanz der arabischen Reformagenda. Um die Frage zu beantworten, warum die arabischen Entwicklungsprobleme gegenwärtig auf der internationalen politischen Agenda stehen und in das Zentrum US-amerikanischer und europäischer Außenpolitik rücken, nachdem sie über Jahrzehnte hinweg einfach nur hingenommen worden sind, geht die Autorin einerseits auf den seit den 1990er Jahren qualitativ beschleunigten kapitalistischen Globalisierungsprozess und andererseits auf die Krise der postkolonialen arabischen Entwicklungsmodelle ein. Ihr Beitrag schließt mit einigen zukünftigen Perspektiven für die arabische Welt. (ICI)

The close relationship between state identity & foreign policy in Israel is investigated. Overviews of the notions of identity, narrative, frames, & institutions are provided; it is asserted that the formation of Israeli state identity has been attempted in a specific historical narrative. The Yitzhak Rabin administration's attempt to implement a liberalist-Zionist Israeli national identity & its connection to the peace movement are discussed. It is contended that Israeli national identity actually became more fragmented under the Benjamin Netanyahu administration; his ambiguous stance on the issue of territorial withdrawal & accretion of power to the Palestinians & the poor electoral performance of the Labor & Likud Parties in the 1996 parliamentary elections accelerated the fragmentation. It is concluded that the Netanyahu administration deepened divisions between religious & secular groups & that the emergence of identity politics in Israeli's parliament during the late 1990s further problematized the peace process. J. W. Parker

Although the lack of Israeli politicians' public discussion of Chinese-Taiwanese political & security issues suggests that Israel has not established a position on cross-Taiwan Strait relations, it is recognized that the Israeli Ministry of Defense values its burgeoning relationship with the People's Republic of China. It is demonstrated that the US's ambiguous foreign policy approaches to both the People's Republic of China & Taiwan have thwarted Israel's efforts to establish defense agreements with the Chinese state; nonetheless, it is argued that Israel will take few measures to jeopardize its potential defense agreements with the Chinese state. It is subsequently revealed that the Israeli state is interested in forming non-defense relations with Taiwan, yet it is concluded that Israel is expected to remain silent should Chinese-Taiwanese tensions escalate to cross-Taiwan Strait military conflict. J. W. Parker

Participant observation of three in vitro fertilization (IVF) cycles in metropolitan national health care clinics, 1990-1992, underpin a self-reflexive comparative case study of IVF procedures in Israel & Canada. Feminist critiques of infertility treatments as the epitome of male domination & a means to objectify women are discussed. IVF method & organization are detailed, noting that procedures in both countries were physician-dominated, highly technological, low in cost, & woman friendly. Israeli doctors were more patronizing, but also more personal & sympathetic, than their Canadian counterparts. Organizational & economic differences resulting from the smaller size & lower affluence of the Israeli clinic are described. A gender politics perspective suggests that the greater marginalization of women in Israeli society is reflected in uncritical acceptance of the control & dominance of male physicians. In contrast, Canada has more women on the medical staff, & paternalism is discouraged. How cultural differences are mirrored in clinic programs is explored. 48 References. J. Lindroth

An evolutionary framework is argued to be the most appropriate approach to the study of deescalation of conflicts. This is especially true when conflicts are protracted or when environmental crises exist. Though political shocks are "necessary but not sufficient" for deescalation, certain political shocks have been shown to facilitate deescalation. These shocks include such major events as defeat in war, economic crises, loss of foreign aid, & withdrawal of societal support for existing policies. When an evolutionary framework is utilized to describe the Israeli-Palestinian case, it becomes evident that political shocks helped to bring about deescalation & the 1993 Oslo Accords. Palestinian shocks included Israel's invasion of Lebanon, the PLO rebellion, the Intifada (accompanied by changes in Soviet support), & the 1990-1993 financial crisis. Each of these shocks allowed Arafat to strengthen his power in the PLO. Israeli shocks, such as the Likud policy monopoly, changes in Israeli public opinion, & the end of the Likud monopoly, allowed Yitzhak Rabin to dramatically alter his policies & strategies. 2 Tables, 78 References. K. Larsen

Examines Islamic fundamentalism in Sunni Arab countries, in particular, Egypt, focusing on its complexity, which contrasts the violence of militants & growth of Islamic institutions. A historical overview of Islamic nations & societies emphasizes continuities between Islamic reformers in the 18th & 19th centuries with current revivalists, which reflect interactions & reactions to complex social, political, & cultural conditions. Egypt's challenge to gain & maintain an independent Arab state is analyzed. The origins & teachings of Islamic revivalist groups such as the Muslim Brotherhood are compared to those of Gamel Abdel Nasser & Arab socialism. The changing relationship between such groups & the secular governments of Nasser, Anwar Sadat, & Muhammad Hosni Mubarak is described, highlighting the increasing impact of these groups on Egyptian society. Efforts at government suppression are contrasted with the resurgence of Sunni fundamentalism in Sudan, which adopted a gradualist approach, working cooperatively with revivalists to implement Islamic law. It is concluded that, while the strategies & programs of Islamizing states differ, they draw on common traditions, themes, & goals & represent the dynamic nature of modern Islam. Bibliog. T. Arnold

Israel hat eine ethnisch und kulturell hoch differenzierte Bevölkerung, die sich in Gruppierungen mit unterschiedlichen Bürgerrechten spiegelt. Um diese Spannungen aufzufangen, erlaubt der Staat unbegrenzte mehrfache Staatsbürgerschaften. Der vorliegende Beitrag zeigt an Hand der Ergebnisse einer international vergleichenden Studie zum Staatsangehörigkeitsrecht in sieben EU-Mitgliedsstaaten (Finnland, Frankreich, Bundesrepublik Deutschland, Griechenland, Portugal und Großbritannien) und Israel, dass viele Politiker des Landes um die rechtliche Zulässigkeit von mehrfachen Staatsbürgerschaften nicht wissen. Diese "Verdrängung der Fakten" resultiert aus der Furcht der israelischen Eliten, dass die Anerkennung und Propagierung dieses Sachverhalts Emigration fördern konnte - ein in Israel hoch negativ bewerteter Sachverhalt. Die Antworten zur Notwendigkeit politischer Bildung bzw. "Staatsbürgerkunde" zeigen daher auch wenig detaillierte Kenntnisse und gehen über "Allgemeinplätze" wie Toleranz, Pluralismus und die Gleichheit aller Gruppen nicht hinaus. (ICA). Die Untersuchung enthält quantitative Daten. Die Untersuchung bezieht sich auf den Zeitraum 2004 bis 2004.