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The fast improvement of communications since 1980´s has sped up the way of world-wide consumption. The embrace of globalization and all the changes and improvements that come with it, such as new technologies, faster and more accessible routes and ways of transportation, have created a new way to sell and buy goods named electronic commerce or e-commerce.This new way of commerce was officially adopted in May, 1998 in the Declaration on Global Electronic Commerce of the Second Ministerial Conference of the World Trade Organization, which recognizes the growth of this new way of trade and the new opportunities it brings with. Since then, the term of electronic commerce, or e-commerce, is understood as to mean the production, distribution, marketing, sale or delivery of goods and services by electronic means1. Even if today e-commerce is not a new subject, we can say it has become a popular and stable way of consumption, job, and income source, not only for the seller and buyer, but also for all the intermediaries involved in the process. In this article, the characteristics of cross-border e-commerce and its implication on Chinese Customs legislations and commercial platforms will be analyze by noting their main characteristics and the challenges shared for development, as well as the effects they generate among consumers, enterprises and the government.

Victoria Tin-bor Hui's War and State Formation in Ancient China and Early Modern Europe is a bold and original work. The book is bold in its goals and scope: the primary question motivating it is: "Why is it that political scientists and Europeanists take for granted checks and balances in European politics, while Chinese and sinologists take for granted a coercive universal empire in China?" (p. 1). This question is the starting point of an exploration of two very different outcomes in international politics. The first one is the "logic of balance", which replicates the classical Eurocentric perspective on the tendency towards equilibrium in international systems. The second one is the "logic of domination", illustrated in the book by Chinese theoretical perspectives and empirical example of a tendency toward universal domination. To answer the puzzle over the competing logics in this dichotomy the author will try to convince the reader of the usefulness of her "dynamic theory of world politics that blends Eurocentric and Sino-centric perspectives, connects the ancient and the modern, reconciles alternative trajectories and opposite outcomes, and incorporates persistent continuity and endogenous transformation" (p. 2). Part of the originality (which ideally should not be regarded as original) comes form blending mainstream IR theory with the comparative politics literature on state-formation and state-society relations. Moreover, refreshing insights from classical political theory -both European and Chinese- are common throughout the book. Her method and case selection are also creative and laudable. Tin-bor Hui compares the Ancient Chinese system during the Spring and Autumn period (656-453 BC) and Warring States period (453-221 BC) with the European system in the Early Modern period (defined as AD 1495-1815). Incorporating the case of Ancient China as an integral part of a theory of international politics, and thus departing from a too Eurocentric and temporarily restricted mainstream IR theory, is a praiseworthy project per se. Under the assumption that these systems are "comparable" she embraces the "uncommon foundation" method by using "paired comparisons of uncommon cases" (i.e. Mill's method of difference or most similar systems) in the search of common causal mechanisms that "combine differently with varying initial and environmental conditions to produce radically different outcomes" (p. 8). The overarching goal can be seen as breaking a deterministic view of political processes as a teleology towards balancing –which naively avoids a serious engagement with a "logic of domination." The author creates two theoretical concepts as her basic tools in achieving this goal: "mechanisms of self-strengthening reforms" and "self-weakening expedients." Each of these would be the causal mechanism explaining the "logic of domination" in the former (i.e. the dissolution of a plural system during the Warring States period and the formation of the Qin Empire in China) and the "logic balancing" in the latter (i.e. the preservation of a system of autonomous units in Europe) (p. 34). The core of the theory (and this is an unjust but necessary simplification) is that certain structural and agential motivations induce states to engineer self-strengthening mechanisms (or self-weakening expedients) that open the opportunity for domination (or balance of power). This reader could not agree more with the necessity of exploring alternative logics from the balance of power one. IR needs to engage more satisfactorily with the idea of domination and how it is achieved. The literature most linked to this concept is the one surrounding the "hegemonic stability theory" research program (see the work of Gilpin, Organski and Kugler, Keohane and Kindleberger). (1) The most relevant problem with this literature is that its preoccupation (obsession?) with war as a consequence of the end of hegemony (or of power transitions) leaves the primordial –and temporally and logically precedent!- matter of how states rise as a given independent variable –or, taking rise as the outcome, with a dependent variable that does not vary. The consequence is that IR has almost nothing to say about an essential part of the story of change in the system: how is it that the power to dominate is constructed. Although Tin-bor Hui attempts to have the final word for this political phenomenon, her work remains incomplete and not entirely satisfactory for several reasons. First, the book has a weak theory of state power. The explanation behind the outcome of systemic domination lies in a series of "self-strengthening mechanisms" (effective tax collection, meritocratic bureaucracy, ruthless military stratagems, inter alia) that enable a particular state to conquer the rest of the system. These mechanisms are the result of both agential initiatives and classical neorealist systemic emulation –i.e. states intra-system will tend to reproduce the same type of governmental mechanisms. The Qin state, located in an Ancient Chinese system composed by units pursuing such self-strengthening mechanisms, was enabled to achieve domination by applying these policies. The problem with this argument is that if we assume that these mechanisms are a systemic phenomenon, there is no convincing reason why it would be any easier for a self-strengthened state to conquer other self-strengthened states than it would be for a self-weakened state to conquer its pairs in another system. In other words, if the mechanisms are thought of as systemic, the advantages or disadvantages of pursuing self-strengthening or self-weakening mechanisms would balance out. Even more, it is not difficult to imagine the opposite logic being true –systems with "self-weakened states" would be more prone to Empire- since the existence of weak states opens a window of opportunity for conquer. (2) The gist of the confusion rests in the author, consciously or unconsciously, taking the risk to ignore one of the most basic premises in the discipline: power is relative. The power of a particular state in international politics has no meaning if it is not seen as a characteristic of one unit in comparison to another unit or to the whole system. The consequence of neglecting this maxim might well be that the idea of "self-strengthening mechanisms" as the explanation of domination turns out to have almost a negligible heuristic power. Moreover, her promise of a "dynamic" theory of change does not hold up to the expectations. In a sense, the author has a quite static perspective on history. While, as said before, she is probably right in arguing that the discipline has avoided a serious study of the issue of domination in international politics, the hypothesis that the road to domination lies in internal reorganization and administrative innovation is incomplete to say the least. There are structural and macro-historical processes of state growth that cannot be shunned in this type of analysis. The author would probably recognize that the Swiss cantons, even if implementing the most comprehensive self-strengthening reforms, were never capable of achieving domination of the European system. There is something special about states like France and Qin that made them able to engage in a quest for domination. This "something special" is one of the most basic and relevant processes in History: the rise and fall of political units. The reader cannot but be skeptical on how much of the causal mechanisms of domination lie in her self-strengthening ideas or in more macro-processes of rise and fall in the system. (3) On the other hand, the author has a big underlying assumption about states' motivation that should have been discussed in more depth. This is a kind of Mearsheimerian assumption that states always identify global (or regional) domination as the primary goal. There are several critiques that could follow from here. One could come from a "constitutive" perspective: if the units composing the systems are different in some essential elements, most probably the systems as a whole will be different in some way. One of the basic elements in the formation of the Modern European system was the creation of the idea of "sovereignty" as an inter-subjective constitutive characteristic of the system. Sovereignty needs to be part of an explanation, for example, of why Luxemburg could survive in a neighborhood of dangerous colossus –and at times domination seekers- such as France and eventually Germany. A Luxemburg located in Northern China, without the aid of sovereignty, would probably have fall victim to Qin might. (4) While this does not mean that two different systems cannot be compared, the creation of inter-subjective norms in systemic dynamics should have a more relevant place that the one given in this book. (5) Another theoretical concern is that self-strengthening and self-weakening mechanisms appear to be very prone to tautological and endogeneity problems. It might be argued that she is trying to explain state change by its effect -i.e. "X is a stronger state, because it was made stronger." The ultimate measurement of a self-strengthened state is to achieve domination; but domination is itself the dependent variable explained by the implementation of self-strengthening mechanisms. The idea that states apply self-strengthening mechanisms to dominate and dominate because they are self-strengthened is cyclical and problematic. (6) Even more, her theory assumes that conquest pays, that is, conquest self-strengthens. This is not wrong per se. Nonetheless, it might get the theory in some logical quagmires. For example, Napoleon's quasi domination of Europe was so parallel to Revolutionary France self-strengthening reforms (administrative reorganization, revolutionary military techniques, etc.) that it would be difficult to say which was the cause of which. Lastly, it may be the case that the author has a confused interpretation of her own mechanisms. Self-strengthening and self-weakening mechanisms appear to be causal mechanisms more linked to an explanation of "state power" than "systemic domination". (7) If this were true, she would need another set of mechanisms or variables to explain the occurrence of domination in international relations. An option to try to dissipate the doubts on how the mechanisms work would be to expand the cases studied to systems in which domination happened without self-strengthening (Philip's Macedonia comes as a possible example) or in which self-strengthening reforms did not come accompanied with domination (if we keep, as Tin Bor-hui does, domination as a necessarily territorial phenomenon, the United States in the Western Hemisphere comes to mind). War and State Formation is an interesting book, which by opening several lanes of inquiry -and by sometimes giving weak arguments for the issues at stake- encourages new and original research in these important areas of political science. This alone is sufficient to make the book a worthy and entertaining read.Notas: (1) Admittedly, these works differ a lot from scholar to scholar.(2) For a similar argument using Agent Base Modeling see Lars-Erik Cederman, Emergent Actors in World Politics, Princeton UP, Princeton, 1997, especially Chapter 4.(3) Furthermore, there is an empirical problem related to the conceptual one before discussed: the picture of a weak Europe unable to efficiently sustain wars of domination must be seen in a global context in which the European powers were rapidly conquering the world.(4) For an account of the importance of sovereignty as an essential constitutive characteristic of the European system of states see: Hendrik Spruyt, The Sovereign State and Its Competitors, Princeton UP, Princeton, 1994.(5) This makes one wonder how useful is her theory for the contemporary world…(6) This concern becomes clear when she argues that: "Domination-seekers in early modern Europe failed because they did not follow the logic of domination fully" (p. 109).(7) Which may explain why this reader was incapable of finding a satisfactory definition of "domination".*Department of Political Science, University of Pennsylvania

GECEM Project (ERC-Starting Grant), ref. 679371, under the European Union's Horizon 2020 Research and Innovation Programme, www.gecem.eu. ; From the second half of sixteenth century, Chinese silk goods entered into the markets of the Spanish Empire, including its European territories. By the early eighteenth century, the supply of this Asian good increased across Europe because of the rise of trade companies settled in the Far East. This article aims to know the specific silk markets where Chinese silk goods penetrated in Seville in the first half of eighteenth century by analyzing consumption with notarial sources as probate inventories and dowry letters. ; GECEM Project (ERC-Starting Grant), ref. 679371, Horizon 2020, project hosted at UPO

RESUMEN The article is a historical study on the role of creativity in education in China. It addresses the main periods of its development in order to demonstrate that, contrary to what is raised at international level on Chinese education, it has, from its roots, elements that focus on independence, reflection, self-monitoring and intelligence, without ignoring its cultural essence. China currently has an impressive and original progress in science, technology and education, which is in contrast to the arguments put forward by China to ensure that the teaching methods in place in China favour superficial and memoristic learning that atrophes students' analytical capabilities and thus reduce creative capacity. In order to resolve this paradox, it is proposed that the objective of supporting the historical and logical method is to support the elements that demonstrate the presence of creativity from the origins of the nation. ; RESUMEN El artículo es un estudio histórico sobre el papel de la creatividad en la educación China. Aborda los principales periodos de su desarrollo con el propósito de demostrar que, contrariamente a lo que se plantea a nivel internacional sobre la educación china, esta tiene desde sus raíces elementos que se direccionan a la independencia, la reflexión, el autocontrol y la inteligencia, sin desconocer su esencia cultural. En la actualidad China ostenta un impresionante y original progreso en la ciencia, la tecnología y la educación, escenario que se contrapone a los argumentos occidentalitas que aseguran que los métodos pedagógicos vigentes en el país favorecen un aprendizaje superficial y memorístico que atrofia la capacidad analítica de los estudiantes y, por tanto, reducen la capacidad creativa. Para lograr resolver esta paradoja, se propone como objetivo fundamentar con el apoyo del método histórico-lógico los elementos que evidencian la presencia de la creatividad desde los orígenes de la nación.

Traditionally, the theory of international relations has ignored states that are not in the main West countries. Given that China's rise as a global power is the most salient feature of current international policy, there have been debates and theoretical productions reflecting on this rise within the same Chinese academy. But these have only recently been studied in the West. The way in which these conceptualisations affect China's international relations with other regions, particularly Latin America, has already been studied by Staiano and Bordazar (2017). This article aims to address the main emerging concepts of theories of international relations from a Chinese perspective, their comparison with the classic Western and some future challenges. Institute for International Relations ; Tradicionalmente, la teoría de las Relaciones Internacionales ha ignorado a los estados que no se encuentran en los principales países de Occidente. Siendo el ascenso de China como potencia global la característica más sobresaliente de la política internacional actual, es de notar que han existido debates y producciones teóricas que reflexionan sobre este ascenso dentro de la misma academia china. Pero estas han sido poco, y tan solo recientemente, estudiadas en occidente. La manera en que estas conceptualizaciones afectan las Relaciones Internacionales de China con otras regiones, particularmente América Latina, ya ha sido estudiado por Staiano y Bordazar (2017). El presente artículo se propone abordar los principales conceptos emergentes en materia de teorías de las Relaciones Internacionales desde una perspectiva china, su comparación con los clásicos occidentales y algunos desafíos a futuro. Instituto de Relaciones Internacionales

The Chinese immigrants were one of the largest groups of foreigners in Northern Chile, particularly in the regions of Tacna and Arica. Despite their contributions to the economic, social and cultural life, political and press discourses tended to emphasize the danger that they meant for the country and especially for this border region. This paper analyzes the three great "dangers" that, according to the public discourse, Chinese immigration and presence meant for this region: the danger to the trade, public health and nation. This study is based on kept in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Chile and Peru, documents from Chilean administration in Tacna and Arica, national and regional censuses, and journalistic articles. ; Los inmigrantes chinos fueron uno de los grupos de extranjeros más numerosos en el norte de Chile, particularmente en las regiones de Tacna y Arica. Pese a sus aportes a la vida económica, social y cultural, los discursos políticos y de la prensa tendieron a enfatizar el peligro que significaban para el país y especialmente para esta región fronteriza. Este artículo analiza los tres grandes "peligros" que, según el discurso público, significaba la inmigración y presencia china para esta provincia: el peligro para el comercio, la salud y la nación. El estudio se sustenta en documentación del Ministerio de Relaciones Exteriores de Chile y Perú, administración chilena en Tacna y Arica, censos regionales y nacionales y artículos periodísticos.

This paper reviews the academic production regarding the Chinese inmigration to Cuba and Peru. It's main inquiry is why both cases have produced so different results despite a similar background and social origin. The answer is politics: the Chinese in Cuba fought in the Independence campaign and were quickly assimilated as part of the army that defeated Spanish colonialism. Years later, the Cuban revolution expropiated small business of the Chinese, and they were forzed to massively migrate to the U.S.A. On the other hand, the Chinese in Peru rebelled against the plantation regime during the War of the Pacific, in which Chile defeated a joint Peru-Bolivia Alliance. A portion of the culíes helped the Chilean army, and subsecuently the community suffered a lot to be accepted as part of the forces that constituted the peruvian nation. Nevertheless, the Peruvian Chinese progressively assimilated successfully, through their contribution to the service economy, including their gastronomic innovation, which captivated the Peruvians. In this way, paradoxically, the Cuban Chinese, which integrated faster and successfully, ended up leaving Cuba, while the Peruvian Chinese, which suffered to be accepted, have ended becoming one of the most accepted and in constant renovation even as of today. Likewise, this paper reviews the contemporary history of the relations between China and both countries, observing how China's new position as the second World Power has defined the social and economical life of the Latin-American Chinese. ; Este artículo revisa la producción académica sobre la inmigración china a Cuba y al Perú. Su pregunta principal es porqué han producido resultados tan diferentes. Halla su explicación en el terreno de la política, pues el origen social y los vínculos transnacionales fueron muy semejantes. Los chinos de Cuba participaron en la lucha por la independencia y fueron rápidamente asimilados como parte de las fuerzas que terminaron con el colonialismo español. Sin embargo, décadas después, la revolución cubana expropió los pequeños negocios y los chino cubanos iniciaron un éxodo que los llevó a migrar masivamente a los EEUU. Por su lado, los colonos chinos del Perú se rebelaron contra el régimen de plantación en el contexto de la Guerra del Pacífico que opuso a Chile contra la alianza del Perú y Bolivia. Por ello, una parte de los culíes actuó en favor del ejército de Chile y la comunidad sufrió mucho para ser aceptada como parte de las fuerzas constitutivas de la nación peruana. Sin embargo, progresivamente los chino peruanos lograron una asimilación exitosa, a partir de su contribución a la economía de servicios incluyendo su innovación gastronómica que cautivó el paladar de los peruanos. De este modo, se produjo una situación paradójica, la comunidad chino cubano que se integró rápidamente y en forma exitosa acabó dejando Cuba, mientras que los chinos peruanos que sufrieron mucho para ser aceptados han terminado siendo una de las migraciones internacionales mejor aceptadas y en constante renovación hasta el día de hoy. Asimismo, este artículo revisa la historia actual de las relaciones de China con ambos países, observando cómo el nuevo puesto de China como segunda potencia mundial ha acabado definiendo la vida social y económica de los chinos latinoamericanos.

One of the great historiographical gaps about Venezuela is the one that corresponds to migrations of Asian origin. Of these, the Chinese one began in the middle of the 19th century and although of marginal presence in comparison with other Latin American experiences such as the Brazilian, Peruvian or Mexican, its importance began to increase with the new century. Not exempt from difficulties, the sons of the Middle Kingdom had to face legislation that prevented them from remaining in the country, persecution by the authorities and the lack of diplomatic representation to defend them. In spite of this, those who managed to stay undertook different economic activities in a territory that welcomed them with distrust. The other related aspect is that such immigration led to the Chinese government's interest in establishing relations with the South American nation, which were formalized in 1943. These are the reasons that encourage us to reflect on Chinese immigration to Venezuela. ; Uno de los grandes vacíos historiográficos sobre Venezuela es el que corresponde a las migraciones de origen asiático. De ellas, la china, inició a mediados del siglo XIX y aunque de presencia marginal en comparación con otras experiencias latinoamericanas como la brasileña, peruana o mexicana, su importancia comenzó a aumentar con la nueva centuria. No exentos de dificultades, los hijos del Imperio del Centro tuvieron que enfrentar la legislación que les impedía permanecer en el país, persecución de las autoridades y orfandad de representación diplomática que los defendiera. Pese a ello, los que lograron quedarse emprendieron distintas actividades económicas en un territorio que los acogió con desconfianza. El otro aspecto conexo, es que tal inmigración propició el interés del gobierno chino por establecer relaciones con la nación sudamericana, formalizadas en 1943. Son estos los motivos que nos animan a reflexionar sobre la inmigración china a Venezuela.

El presente trabajo describe, en formato de crónica, los principales acontecimientos sucedidos en el denominado caso de los "misiles chinos". Es decir, la entrega, para su desmantelamiento, de los únicos misiles con los que contaba Bolivia como mecanismo de defensa antiaérea, a personal militar del gobierno de Estados Unidos. El hecho sucedió meses antes de las elecciones generales de diciembre de 2005, en las cuales Evo Morales obtuvo la presidencia, y después de un largo proceso de crisis e inestabilidad política en el país (2003-2005). Así mismo, se identifican las principales evidencias y consecuencias políticas e institucionales de la subordinación militar a una potencia extranjera, todas ellas permeadas por aspectos tales como injerencia, pérdida de soberanía e impunidad. ; This paper describes in chronicle format the main events around the so-called case of the "Chinese missiles": the surrender to Unite States military personnel of the only missiles that Bolivia has had for its anti-aircraft defense. The event happened months before the December 2005 general election in which Evo Morales won the presidency and after prolonged crisis and political instability (2003-2005). The paper identifies the main evidence and the political and institutional consequences of military subordination to a foreign power, all permeated by aspects such as interference, loss of sovereignty and impunity.

Este trabajo examina las bases políticas de formulación de la diplomacia china, analizando la noción de Sueño Chino de Rejuvenecimiento Nacional y sus implicancias para la definición de prioridades de Política Exterior por parte de la República Popular China (RPCh). Se sostiene que el Sueño Chino de Rejuvenecimiento Nacional estuvo construido en permanente interpelación a la imagen del Sueño Americano, estableciendo a partir de allí las particularidades que la cultura china tradicional ofrece en lo específico a esta imagen. Esto supone que el principal sujeto de interlocución del Sueño Chino es precisamente la potencia norteamericana. Esta prioridad insume buena parte de los esfuerzos diplomáticos de la RPCh, y condiciona el carácter de dichos esfuerzos. ; This work examines the political basis of China's diplomacy by analyzing the Chinese Dream of National Rejuvenation notion, together with its implications for the definition of foreign policy priorities on behalf of the People's Republic of China (PRC). It is maintained that the Chinese Dream of National Rejuvenation was constructed by means of a permanent interpellation to the image of the American Dream, establishing from then the peculiarities that the traditional Chinese culture has to offer to this image. This implies that the main interlocution subject of the Chinese Dream is, precisely, the North-American power. This priority, in turn, takes a great deal of the PRC diplomatic efforts, thereby conditioning the character of such efforts. ; Dossier: China y su proyección en el siglo XXI ; Instituto de Relaciones Internacionales (IRI)

Este trabajo examina las bases políticas de formulación de la diplomacia china, analizando la noción de Sueño Chino de Rejuvenecimiento Nacional y sus implicancias para la definición de prioridades de política exterior por parte de la República Popular China (RPCh). Se sostiene que el Sueño Chino de Rejuvenecimiento Nacional estuvo construido en permanente interpelación a la imagen del Sueño Americano, estableciendo a partir de allí las particularidades que la cultura china tradicional ofrece de específico a esta imagen. Esto supone que el principal sujeto de interlocución del Sueño Chino es precisamente la potencia norteamericana. Esta prioridad insume buena parte de los esfuerzos diplomáticos de la RPCh, y condiciona el carácter de dichos esfuerzos. ; This workexamines the political basis of China's diplomacy by analyzing the Chinese Dream of National Rejuvenation notion, together with its implications for the definition of foreign policy priorities on behalf of the People's Republic of China (PRC).It is maintained that the Chinese Dream of National Rejuvenation was constructed by means of a permanent interpellation to the image of the American Dream, establishing from then the peculiarities that the traditional Chinese culture has to offer to this image. This impliesthat the main interlocution subject of the Chinese Dream is, precisely, the North-American power. This priority, in turn, takes a great deal of the PRC diplomatic efforts, thereby conditioning the character of such efforts ; Fil: Santillan, Gustavo Enrique. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas. Centro Científico Tecnológico Conicet - Córdoba. Centro de Investigaciones y Estudios sobre Cultura y Sociedad. Universidad Nacional de Córdoba. Centro de Investigaciones y Estudios sobre Cultura y Sociedad; Argentina

This article aims to analyze the background and the evolution of the relations between Argentina andthe People's Republic of China, connecting this approach to the political, institutional an economicscenario that has promoted Chinese investments in the South American country and the developmentof businesses that has linked capital from both nations. Firstly, this paper presents some theoreticalconsiderations on international relations and global capitalist dynamics. Secondly, it describes the evolution of the Chinese economy since the reforms initiated in 1978. Thirdly, it examines the coinciding interests of part of the Argentine business sector and the Chinese capital, considering how they are expressed in the political and economic field. Finally, it analyzes possible and alternative scenarios for the Argentine-Chinese relations. ; Este artículo tiene por objetivo analizar los antecedentes y la evolución de las relaciones entre la República Argentina y la República Popular China, relacionando este abordaje con el escenario político, institucional y económico que potenció las inversiones del país asiático en la nación sudamericana y el desarrollo de negocios que han vinculado a capitales de ambas naciones. El trabajo presenta inicialmente algunas consideraciones teóricas respecto a las relaciones internacionales y la dinámica capitalista global. En un segundo momento describe la evolución de la economía china a partir de las reformas iniciadas en 1978. En una tercera etapa, se examina el núcleo de intereses coincidentes entre fracciones del empresariado argentino y el capital chino y su plasmación en el campo político y económico. En cuarta instancia, se analizan los escenarios posibles y alternos para las relaciones argentino-chinas.

This article seeks to analyze the expansion of China´s influence in Latin America in economic and military fields, and how the United States has reacted to it. For it will be used the methodology of the case study -Venezuela, Bolivia and Ecuador-, since it is where China has a strong presence and especially because they are countries, like the Asian power, have an anti-American or sovereignist politics which seeks to consolidate a multipolar world order. The main finding is that China does not pose a serious threat to the United States in the short term, and in fact expanding its influence in the region has been perceived by the United State government as an opportunity. This is dueto several reasons: China has implemented a cautious and pragmatic policy that seeks to consolidate its national goals without directly challenging American hegemony in the region, reinforced by internal constraints that lead the Chinese leadership to opt for a less activist attitude in the military-political reorganization of the world. On the other hand, due to the United States, which is in a phase of decline of its hegemony in the region, prefer to promote their interests in a cooperative and non-confrontational framework, hoping to take advantage of this new situation. ; Este artículo tiene como propósito analizar la expansión de la influencia de China en América Latina en los ámbitos económico y militar, y la forma como Estados Unidos ha reaccionado a esta. Para ello se recurrirá a la metodología del estudio de caso -Venezuela, Bolivia y Ecuador-, ya que es allí donde China cuenta con una fuerte presencia y sobre todo porque son países que, al igual que la potencia asiática, tienen una política anti-estadounidense o soberanista que busca consolidar un orden mundial multipolar. El principal hallazgo es que China no representa una amenaza seria para Estados Unidos en el corto plazo, y que de hecho, la expansión de su influencia en la región ha sido percibida por el gobierno de Estados Unidos como una oportunidad. Ello se debe a varias razones: China ha implementado una política cautelosa y pragmática que busca consolidar sus objetivos nacionales sin desafiar directamente la hegemonía estadounidense en la región, actitud reforzada por limitaciones internas que llevan al liderazgo chino a optar por una actitud menos activista en la reorganización político-militar del mundo. Por otro lado, gracias a que Estados Unidos, que se encuentra en una fase de declive de su hegemonía en la región, prefiere promover sus intereses en un marco cooperativo y no conflictivo, esperando sacar provecho de esta nueva situación.

Máster Universitario en Cooperación Internacional al Desarrollo ; En el presente trabajo de investigación de Final de Máster se analiza el controvertido y poco conocido modelo de Cooperación Internacional para el Desarrollo de China. La opacidad con la que el Gobierno de China aborda este tema, lo novedoso de su enfoque y el creciente peso e influencia que el país asiático está ganando a nivel mundial, hacen necesaria una investigación ambiciosa y rigurosa para combatir la enorme especulación, controversia y confusión que está generando tanto en el mundo académico como en los medios de comunicación. Este trabajo se ha enfocado en averiguar qué entiende el Gobierno chino por Ayuda Exterior, con qué instrumentos la aborda y cómo y a quién va destinada. Así mismo, se lleva a cabo una reflexión de los motivos y razones que la inspiran y la posible complementariedad con el modelo tradicional de la Cooperación Internacional para el Desarrollo que implementan los países de la OCDE a través del Comité de Ayuda para el Desarrollo (CAD). ; This paper analyzes the controversial and little known Chinese model of Foreign Aid. both lack of transparency and novelty of the approach and the increasing weight and influence that the Asian country is gaining globally, require an ambitious and rigorous investigation to fight the enormous speculation, controversy and confusion that is generating both in the academic sector and in media. This essay focuses on what the Chinese Government understands by Foreign Aid, its tools and how and whom it is intended for. It also wants to explain the reasons behind it and the possible complementarity with the traditional model of International Cooperation for Development carried out by the OECD countries through the Development Assistance Committee (CAD).