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This book presents new findings that deal with different facets of the well-being of children and their relevance to the proper treatment of children. The well-being of children is considered against the background of a wide variety of legal, political, medical, educational and familial perspectives. The book addresses diverse issues from a range of disciplinary perspectives using a variety of methods. It has three major sections with the essays in each section loosely organized about a common general theme. The first section focuses on issues concerning the relation between children's well-being and autonomy or agency. The second section deals with child well-being insofar as the limits of parental authority are concerned. The third section has a more applied orientation and addresses a variety of public policy controversies involving the interpretation of children's well-being. Alexander Bagattini is assistant professor in Philosophy at the University of Düsseldorf. His areas of research and teaching are in the ethical implications of the concept of child well-being, children's rights, philosophy of education and environmental ethics. He is also principal investigator in the interdisciplinary research project 'Child Well-Being as a Collective Interpretive Pattern' which is funded by the BMBF (German Federal Ministry for Education and Research / Bundesministerium für Bildung und Forschung).Colin M. Macleod is Associate Professor of Philosophy and Law at the University of Victoria, Canada. His research focuses on issues in contemporary moral, political and legal theory, with a special focus on distributive justice and equality; children, families and justice and democratic ethics. He is the author of Liberalism, Justice and Markets (Oxford University Press, 1998) and the editor of Justice and Equality (University of Calgary Press, 2012) and (with David Archard) of The Moral and Political Status of Children (Oxford University Press, 2002).

PurposeThis study examines the direct impact of justice perceptions of performance appraisal practices (procedural, distributive, interpersonal and informational justice) on job satisfaction, intention to stay and job engagement. Further, it investigates the effect of job engagement on job satisfaction and intention to stay. Moreover, the study tests the mediating role of job engagement on the impact of justice perceptions of performance appraisal practices on job satisfaction and intention to stay.Design/methodology/approachA total of 650 self-report structured questionnaires were distributed among the employees of 50 information technology companies, and 503 samples were received. Partial least square-structural equation modeling was used to test the hypothesized model.FindingsThis study revealed that justice perception of performance appraisal practices positively affects job satisfaction, intention to stay and job engagement. In addition, job engagement positively affects job satisfaction and intention to stay. Further, job engagement significantly transfers the impact of justice perceptions of performance appraisal practices on job satisfaction and intention to stay, thus confirming the mediating role of job engagement. However, the significant direct impact of justice perceptions of performance appraisal practices on job satisfaction and intention to stay in the presence of a mediator, i.e. job engagement, revealed partial mediation.Research limitations/implicationsThe findings of this study augment the social exchange theory by explicating that an individual who perceives justice in performance appraisal practices is likely to have greater job engagement, which ultimately leads to higher job satisfaction and intention to stay. This study filled the research gap by examining the role of four justice components of performance appraisal practices on job satisfaction and intention to stay and the mediating role of job engagement in transferring the impact of justice perceptions of performance appraisal practices on job satisfaction and intention to stay.Practical implicationsThis study showed the importance of four justice components of performance appraisal practices in enhancing employee job engagement. Hence, this study would motivate information technology companies to maintain fairness in performance appraisal practices to enhance employee job engagement and ultimately increase job satisfaction and intention to stay.Originality/valueThis study is one of its kind that tested the direct impact of comprehensive justice components (procedural, distributive, interpersonal and informational justice) of performance appraisal practices on job satisfaction and intention to stay. In addition, this is a unique study that examined the mediating effect of job engagement on the impact of justice perceptions of performance appraisal practices on job satisfaction and intention to stay.

El presente artículo tiene como objetivo presentar una visión general de la Justicia Ambiental, en sus dimensiones práctica y teórica. En la primera vertiente, este concepto designa a un movimiento social surgido en Estados Unidos, a principios de los años 80 del siglo pasado, como reacción contra el racismo ambiental. En su dimensión teórica, se trata de una amplia corriente epistemológica y axiológica que estudia los procesos de discriminación en el acceso a los recursos naturales y en la carga de contaminación. Este marco teórico, del que se presenta aquí una propuesta, incorpora nociones de la ecología política, la justicia intergeneracional o el concepto de responsabilidad ampliada jonesiano ; This paperwork intends to present a general perspective of Environmental Justice in both its practical and theoretical dimensions. Regarding the first one, the concept defines a social movement originated in the United States at the beginning of the 1980´s, as a reaction against the environmental racism. On its theoretical dimension, it is a doctrinal tendency formed by a wide group of legal, political and ethical notions. It analyzes the processes of discrimination in the access to natural resources as in the burden of contamination. The theoretical frame that is introduced here includes notions from the Political Ecology, the inter-generational justice or the concept of responsibility created by Hans Jonas

Why do governments tolerate the violation of their own laws and regulations? Conventional wisdom is that governments cannot enforce their laws. Forbearance as Redistribution challenges the standard interpretation by showing that politicians choose not to enforce laws to distribute resources and win elections. Alisha Holland demonstrates that this forbearance towards activities such as squatting and street vending is a powerful strategy for attracting the electoral support of poor voters. In many developing countries, state social programs are small or poorly targeted and thus do not offer politicians an effective means to mobilize the poor. In contrast, forbearance constitutes an informal welfare policy around which Holland argues much of urban politics turns. While forbearance offers social support to those failed by their governments, it also perpetuates the same exclusionary welfare policies from which it grows

Tous inedits, les textes qui composent ce recueil examinent la mondialisation, ainsi que les enjeux et les defis qui s'y rattachent, sous l'angle de la philosophie sociale et politique contemporaine. Les auteurs explorent d'abord les liens que la mondialisation entretient avec le capitalisme, l'imperialisme, ainsi qu'avec l'ideologie neoliberale.

Abstract
Achieving environmental justice in protected area (PA) planning and management has been historically problematic. Herein, potential connections between learning outcomes acquired through PAs and advancements in environmental justice are examined and assessed through a case study of PAs in the Kullu District of Himachal Pradesh, India. Specifically, our study aimed to identify learning outcomes that contributed to positive changes in distributive, procedural, recognitional and restorative justice for local people managing or residing near PAs. As throughout the Himalayas, the land use rights, both customary or recognised by law, of local inhabitants in the Kullu District have been altered and eroded through the establishment of PAs, which has resulted in poor environmental justice outcomes. Interviews were conducted with local people living near PAs, forest officers working in PAs, relevant government officials, academics, and NGO representatives. The results indicate that non-formal and informal learning has produced positive cognitive and relational changes in local inhabitants as well as forest officers, which has led to modification of policies, positive environmental change, and enhanced aspects of environmental justice. Though positive changes emerged, the study also identified a need for increased learning opportunities, particularly for inhabitants of more remote areas.

El presente artículo examina las principales líneas de ataque lanzadas por el libertarismo de derecha expresado fundamentalmente en la obra de Robert Nozick-, contra el igualitarismo liberal de John Rawls y el materialismo histórico. En particular, analiza el rechazo nozickeano a la justicia distributiva, a la deseabilidad (y posibilidad) de la cooperación social, y a los esquemas distributivos contrarios al principio de autopropiedad. Asimismo, explora el impacto de este principio libertarista sobre algunos postulados undamentales del marxismo. Desde una perspectiva que se nutre de los principales debates de la filosofía política contemporánea, y con una opción teórica por el igualitarismo, este texto presenta y procura debilitar las más audaces tesis nozickeanas, las cuales siguen ejerciendo gran influencia en círculos académicos, en algunas instancias de formulación de políticas públicas y, sobre todo, en el sentido común forjado en tiempos de hegemonía neoliberal. ; This article examines the main assault lines adopted by right wing libertarianism, as developed in Robert Nozick's works, against John Rawls's liberal egalitarianism and historical materialism. More precisely, it looks into Nozick's rejection to distributive justice, to the desirability (and possibility) of social cooperation, and to distributive schemes opposed to the principle of self-ownership. Moreover, it explores the impact of this libertarian principle on some of the fundamental tenets of Marxism. From a perspective drawing on the major debates in contemporary Political Philosophy, and taking sides with egalitarian theories, this paper presents and attempts to weaken Nozick's most daring thesis, which are still quite influential on the academy, on places where public policies are designed and, above all, on the common sense built in times of neoliberal hegemony. ; Fil: Lizárraga, Fernando Alberto. Universidad Nacional del Comahue. Facultad de Humanidades. Centro de Estudios Historicos de Estado, Politica y Cultura; Argentina. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas. Centro Científico Tecnológico Patagonia Norte; Argentina

Muss nicht gerade eine Rechtfertigung von Chancengleichheit, dem Sinnbild distributiver Unparteilichkeit, einen Rekurs auf umfassende Konzeptionen des Guten vermeiden und so auch methodisch der Neutralitätsidee folgen? Und steht nicht der politische Perfektionismus zu Recht in dem Ruf, notwendigerweise paternalistisch und parteilich zu sein, weil er uns auf eine übergreifende Vorstellung des guten Lebens festlegt? Weder das eine noch das andere ist der Fall. In einer Analyse liberaler Chancengleichheitskonzepte und sensibel gegenüber den verschiedenen Varianten des Perfektionismus zeigt dieses Buch, warum ein Perfektionismus zur Begründung von Chancengleichheit nötig und wie dies möglich ist, ohne den Vorrang des Rechten vor dem Guten zu brechen und in die moralische Selbstbestimmungshoheit der Bürger einzugreifen. Die perfektionistischen Prämissen konkurrierender liberaler Ansätze werden offengelegt und einem Test unterzogen, der sich am anti-paternalistischen und anti-elitären Impetus des Neutralitätsgebots orientiert. Die Annahmen, die ihn bestehen, dienen dem Entwurf eines perfektionistischen Chancengleichheitsmodells, das die neutralistischen Bedenken ernster nimmt als der Liberalismus selbst

The author, in the context of the debate on the relationship between constitutional justice and the democratic process, argues in favour of considering the constitutional judicial review as a necessary but not sufficient condition for the existence of a democratic rule of law. After analyzing the positions and general arguments of this debate, as well as some specific aspects of how it is being developed in Latin America, he argues for a model of a weak democracy, in which a series of rights, mainly civil and political rights are constitutionally entrenched and are considered preconditions of the democratic process. For this very reason, these two types of rights may be protected by constitutional courts, even against the majority legislature, without undermining the democratic dimension of the political system. With regard to welfare rights, given their distributive dimension and their relation with the welfare and needs of the population, their guarantee should not be left exclusively in the hands of the judges, because they can hardly be considered preconditions of democracy. That does not means, the author says, that they should not be constitutionalized, or that somehow the constitutional court should not be involved in their guarantee by the legislature. ; El autor, en el contexto del debate sobre la relación entre la justicia constitucional y el proceso democrático, argumenta a favor de considerar al control jurisdiccional de constitucionalidad como un requisito necesario, pero no suficiente, para la existencia de un Estado democrático de derecho. Tras analizar las posturas y argumentos generales de ese debate, así como aspectos singulares del modo en que se viene desarrollando en Latinoamérica, abogará por un modelo de democracia débil, en el que una serie de derechos, fundamentalmente civiles y políticos, estén atrincherados constitucionalmente y sean considerados precondiciones del proceso democrático. Por este último motivo, estos dos tipos de derechos podrían estar protegidos por la justicia constitucional, incluso frente al legislador mayoritario, sin merma de la dimensión democrática del sistema político. Respecto de los derechos sociales, dada su dimensión distributiva y su relación con el bienestar y las necesidades de la población, su garantía no debería de quedar exclusivamente en manos de los jueces, ya que difícilmente pueden ser considerados precondiciones de la democracia: esto no significa, afirma el autor, que no hayan de ser constitucionalizados ni tampoco que en su garantía por parte de los parlamentarios no participe, de algún modo, la justicia constitucional.

Intro -- Foreword -- Contents -- List of Figures -- List of Boxes -- 1 A Good Place to Live -- Abstract -- 1 What Is the Aim of a Good Place to Live? -- 2 Power as the Fundamental Motivation -- 3 Power Is a Sure Cost for Those Who Are Subject to It and an Uncertain Change for Those Who Hold It -- 4 Complex Equality and Simplicity of Power -- 5 Distributive Justice and Political Justice -- 6 From Power Distribution to Power Production -- 7 Isocracy as a Coherent and Sustainable Ideal -- References -- 2 The Economic Institutions of Isocracy -- Abstract -- 1 Premise -- 2 Cooperative Controlled by Shares (Labour-Capital Partnership) -- 3 The Social Dividend -- 4 The Common Goods Sector -- 5 The Social Salary -- 6 Currency and Money -- 7 The Redistribution of Working, Care, Leisure, Creativity and Politics Times -- 8 Socialisation and Investment Planning -- 9 Taxation on Income and Wealth -- 10 The Transformation of the Positional Competition -- 11 Drawing Conclusions -- References -- 3 The Political Institutions of Isocracy -- Abstract -- 1 Representative Democracy and Radical Conflicts -- 2 From Representative Democracy to Political Isocracy -- 3 Institutions Based on Reputation of Impartiality -- 4 The Institutions of Distributed Power -- 5 The Institutions of Power-Sharing -- 6 Partisans Institutions -- 7 Federalist Institutions -- 8 Drawing Conclusions -- References -- 4 The Anthropological Mutation -- Abstract -- 1 Premise -- 2 Passions as Foundation of the Human Condition -- 3 From Passions to Needs and Emotions -- 4 The Capitalist Removal of (Hot) Passions -- 5 Power to the Imagination -- 6 Conflictual Passions -- 7 Drawing Conclusions -- References -- 5 The Structural Possibility of an Alternative -- Abstract -- References -- Index.

The COVID-19 pandemic has evidenced the chronic inequality that exists between populations and communities as regards global healthcare. Vaccination, an appropriate tool for the prevention of infection, should be guaranteed by means of proportionate interventions to defeat such inequality in populations and communities affected by a higher risk of infection. Equitable criteria of justice should be identified and applied with respect to access to vaccination and to the order in which it should be administered. This article analyzes, as regards the worldwide distribution of anti-COVID-19 vaccines, the various ways the principle of equity has been construed and applied or even overlooked. The main obstacle to equal access to vaccines is vaccine nationalism. The perception of equity varies with the differing reference values adopted. Adequate response to needs appears to be the principal rule for achieving the criterion of equity in line with distributive justice. Priorities must be set equitably based on rational parameters in accordance with current needs. The entire process must be governed by transparency, from parameter identification to implementation. The issue of equal access to vaccination affects the entire world population, necessitating specific protective interventions. In light of this, the World Health Organization (WHO) has devised the COVAX plan to ensure that even the poorest nations of the world receive the vaccine; certain initiatives are also supported by the European Union (EU). This pandemic has brought to the fore the need to build a culture of equitable relationships both in each country's own domain and with the rest of the world.

From every State and Territory of Australia, including the islands of the Torres Strait over 200 delegates gathered at the 2017 First Nations National Constitutional Convention in Uluru, which has stood on Anangu Pitjantjatjara country in the Northern Territory since time immemorial, to discuss the issue of constitutional recognition. Delegates agreed that tokenistic recognition would not be enough, and that recognition bearing legal substance must stand, with the possibility to make multiple treaties between Aboriginal peoples and Torres Strait Islanders and the Commonwealth Government of Australia. In this paper, we look at the roadmap beyond such a potential change. We make the case for a redistributive approach to capital, and propose key outcomes for social reconstruction, should a voice to parliament, a Makarrata[1] Commission and multiple treaties be enabled through a successful referendum. We conclude that an alteration of the Commonwealth Constitution (Cth) is the preliminary overture of a suite of changes: the constitutional change itself is not the end of the road, but simply the beginning of years of legal change, which seeks provide a socio-economic future for Australia's First Peoples, and the oldest continuing cultures in the world. Constitutional change seeks to transform the discourse about Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander relations with the Australian state from one centred on distributive justice to one that is primarily informed by retributive justice. This paper concerns the future generations of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children, and their right to labour in a market that honours their cultural contributions to humanity at large.

[1] Yolŋu ceremony for coming together after a struggle.

Although work fatigue represents an important issue among military personnel in combat settings, little attention has been paid to work fatigue in the non-deployed setting. This issue was addressed by (a) validating the Three-Dimensional Work Fatigue Inventory (3D-WFI) among non-deployed military personnel, (b) assessing the prevalence of work fatigue in a non-deployed setting, and (c) exploring several potential predictors and outcomes of work fatigue in this setting. Data came from a large national probability sample (N = 1375) of non-deployed Royal Canadian Air Force military personnel. Results demonstrated that the 3D-WFI provided a psychometrically sound assessment of physical, mental, and emotional work fatigue among military personnel, which was invariant across sex, age, military component, and military role. All three types of work fatigue were highly prevalent among military personnel in a non-deployed setting. In terms of predictors, job demands were positively associated, and distributive justice, perceived organizational support, physical activity and sleep quality were negatively associated with each type of work fatigue, whereas role ambiguity was positively associated with mental and emotional work fatigue, and interpersonal justice was negatively associated with physical and emotional fatigue. Abusive supervision and sleep quantity were unrelated to work fatigue. In terms of outcomes, the three types of fatigue were positively associated with workplace cognitive failures and work-to-family conflict. In contrast, mental and emotional work fatigue were negatively related to military morale and positively associated with turnover intentions. This study demonstrates that work fatigue is a critical issue among military personnel in non-deployed settings, and an essential issue for military policy development.

Although work fatigue represents an important issue among military personnel in combat settings, little attention has been paid to work fatigue in the non-deployed setting. This issue was addressed by (a) validating the Three-Dimensional Work Fatigue Inventory (3D-WFI) among non-deployed military personnel, (b) assessing the prevalence of work fatigue in a non-deployed setting, and (c) exploring several potential predictors and outcomes of work fatigue in this setting. Data came from a large national probability sample (N = 1375) of non-deployed Royal Canadian Air Force military personnel. Results demonstrated that the 3D-WFI provided a psychometrically sound assessment of physical, mental, and emotional work fatigue among military personnel, which was invariant across sex, age, military component, and military role. All three types of work fatigue were highly prevalent among military personnel in a non-deployed setting. In terms of predictors, job demands were positively associated, and distributive justice, perceived organizational support, physical activity and sleep quality were negatively associated with each type of work fatigue, whereas role ambiguity was positively associated with mental and emotional work fatigue, and interpersonal justice was negatively associated with physical and emotional fatigue. Abusive supervision and sleep quantity were unrelated to work fatigue. In terms of outcomes, the three types of fatigue were positively associated with workplace cognitive failures and work-to-family conflict. In contrast, mental and emotional work fatigue were negatively related to military morale and positively associated with turnover intentions. This study demonstrates that work fatigue is a critical issue among military personnel in non-deployed settings, and an essential issue for military policy development.