Suchergebnisse

Der Beitrag nimmt eine kritische Bestandsaufnahme gegenwärtiger Modelle des Kosmopolitismus vor, die sich ausschließlich auf globale Ordnungsbildung konzentrieren. Im Gegenzug erinnert er an Merkmale der philosophischen Diskussion der Aufklärung, die unter Kosmopolitismus die politische Öffnung von Nationalstaaten für die Ansprüche von Fremden verstand. "Kosmopolitismus in einem Land" meint die Mitwirkung von Nichtmitgliedern an der politischen Willensbildung und Entscheidungsfindung: ein politischer Aktivismus, der formell oder informell einen weiteren, potenziell universellen "demos" inkludiert. Den Wurzeln dieses Gedankens geht der Verfasser in Benthams kosmopolitischer Vertragstheorie und in Kants Weltbürgerrecht nach. Die Mitwirkung Fremder kann nationalstaatlichen Demokratien epistemische Vorteile bringen, aber auch zu einer gerechteren Repräsentation der Interessen von Nicht-Staatsangehörigen führen. Im Unterschied zu supranationalen Gemeinwesen mit kosmopolitischen Zügen wie der EU betont der "Kosmopolitismus in einem Land" die Durchlässigkeit von Außengrenzen, nicht die Irrelevanz von Innengrenzen. Die resultierende Vielzahl überlappender Weltbürgergemeinschaften bilden jeweils transnationale Öffentlichkeiten aus, deren institutionelle harte Kerne die jeweiligen Einzelstaaten sind. (ICE2)

Von einer Säkularisierung in einem Land wie Israel zu sprechen, wo die Religion offensichtlich einen wichtigen Teil des öffentlichen Lebens darstellt, scheint widersprüchlich zu sein. Doch Israel befindet sich bedingt durch Globalisierung, Pluralisierung und Modernisierung an einem Scheideweg. Teile der israelischen Gesellschaft säkularisieren sich bereits. Die religiöse orthodoxe Vorherrschaft scheint zu bröckeln. Kann jedoch deswegen von einem Mentalitätswandel oder einer Säkularisierung des Staates gesprochen werden? Kann ein Säkularisierungsprozess in Israel erfolgreich sein? Wie muss ein säkularer Staat beschaffen sein, um den unterschiedlichen religiösen Denominationen die gleichen Möglichkeiten zu bieten? Welche Rolle spielen dabei die jüdische Diaspora, Einwanderungen und gesellschaftliche Minderheiten? Ziel der vorliegenden Arbeit ist es diese Fragen zu erörtern. Auch wenn die enge Verknüpfung von Nation und Religion im Judentum eine Säkularisierung scheinbar unmöglich macht, so erlaubt unter Bezugnahme der Konzepte von Säkularismus und Nationalismus im Kontext der historischen Entwicklungen des Judentums eine differenziertere Betrachtung dieser Verknüpfung. Durch die Nutzung von unterschiedlichen qualitativen Methoden, wie der hermeneutischen Methode zur Betrachtung der verschiedenen theoretischen Begriffe und der Analyse des Verhältnisses von Nation und Religion im Judentum; der Nutzung von Zeitungsartikel zur Aufarbeitung der aktuellen Debatten in der israelischen Gesellschaft; der Auswertung von Statistiken; sowie der Durchführung von Experteninterviews erlauben einen vielseitigen Zugang zum Forschungsgegenstand. Letztendlich soll aufgezeigt werden, dass sich Israel zwar zunehmend säkularisiert, aber vor verschiedenen Herausforderungen, wie dem gesellschaftlichen Pluralismus, der instabilen Sicherheitslage, sowie einem zunehmenden religiösen Nationalismus steht. ; Israel is on the way to become a secular state. Parts of the society are separating from the religious authority. Under the international pressure of the globalization it is getting more important for Israel to integrate in the western interpretation of secularization. It seems that a secular Israel could resolve the political and social inequality between the ethnic groups. But the process of secularization causes a couple of problems in the society. Since years Israel is on the move to find his identity in a pluralistic and globalized world. The religious affiliation is decreasing in Israel. People do not believe privately anymore. In public it is still demonstrated, that Israel is united in the religious belief. Nationalism regains strength in Israel and causes new conflicts. This qualitative work based on hermeneutic and media analyses will show how problematic the way of secularization is and that the society will be probably even more unequal than before. If Israel is losing his ties of religious beliefs it needs to find a new identity. But the increase of secularization causes also the increase of nationalism. Nationalism and in his extreme forms of religious nationalism or ethnocentrism will jeopardize equality under the population. Thus, the question has to be answered if a secular Israel will be more open, pluralistic or equal and finally better prepared to meet the challenges of the politically unstable Middle East region and the globalization.

Land donations are frequently attested in the written record of ancient Egypt. Used by the king asa means to recompense and honor high dignitaries, civil servants, and temples, they were in no waya royal prerogative. Private individuals also donated land both to temples and royal statues, whichappears to have been a social and economic strategy to strengthen their links with the monarchyand with powerful patrons. In other cases, enough evidence reveals that such donations sought topreserve individual patrimonies from the interference of their owners' kin. Temples figure at thecore of land donations, especially as beneficiaries of the king's largesse and of private endowments;their position as local centers of power and authority and their role as heads of patronage networksexplain why they received so many donations of land during the Third Intermediate Period andunder the Saite rule, when political insecurity and state rebuilding made them privileged tools forthe protection of the patrimonies of the elite.

Land donations are frequently attested in the written record of ancient Egypt. Used by the king asa means to recompense and honor high dignitaries, civil servants, and temples, they were in no waya royal prerogative. Private individuals also donated land both to temples and royal statues, whichappears to have been a social and economic strategy to strengthen their links with the monarchyand with powerful patrons. In other cases, enough evidence reveals that such donations sought topreserve individual patrimonies from the interference of their owners' kin. Temples figure at thecore of land donations, especially as beneficiaries of the king's largesse and of private endowments;their position as local centers of power and authority and their role as heads of patronage networksexplain why they received so many donations of land during the Third Intermediate Period andunder the Saite rule, when political insecurity and state rebuilding made them privileged tools forthe protection of the patrimonies of the elite.

Land donations are frequently attested in the written record of ancient Egypt. Used by the king asa means to recompense and honor high dignitaries, civil servants, and temples, they were in no waya royal prerogative. Private individuals also donated land both to temples and royal statues, whichappears to have been a social and economic strategy to strengthen their links with the monarchyand with powerful patrons. In other cases, enough evidence reveals that such donations sought topreserve individual patrimonies from the interference of their owners' kin. Temples figure at thecore of land donations, especially as beneficiaries of the king's largesse and of private endowments;their position as local centers of power and authority and their role as heads of patronage networksexplain why they received so many donations of land during the Third Intermediate Period andunder the Saite rule, when political insecurity and state rebuilding made them privileged tools forthe protection of the patrimonies of the elite.

Die Autorin beleuchtet die Hintergründe und politischen Auswirkungen der Aufrufaktion "Für unser Land" im letzten Jahr der DDR. In den vorhandenen Chroniken und Dokumentensammlungen wird der Aufruf zwar manchmal in vollständigem Wortlaut wiedergegeben, aber es finden sich kaum Hinweise auf sein Zustandekommen oder eine nähere Würdigung als Zeitzeugnis artikulierter DDR-Identität. Die Autorin untersucht daher die politische Bedeutung des Appells, der von 31 Erstunterzeichnern am 26. November 1989 in die Endfassung gebracht worden ist, und ordnet ihn in die revolutionären Ereignisse der Wendezeit ein. (ICI)

Since 1967, each Israeli government has invested significant resources in establishing and expanding the settlements in the Occupied Territories, both in terms of the area of land they occupy and in terms of population. As a result of this policy, approximately 380,000 Israeli citizens now live on the settlements on the West Bank, including those established in East Jerusalem (this report does not relate to the settlements in the Gaza Strip). During the first decade following the occupation, the Ma'arach governments operated on the basis of the Alon Plan, which advocated the establishment of settlements in areas perceived as having "security importance," and where the Palestinian population was sparse (the Jordan Valley, parts of the Hebron Mountains and Greater Jerusalem). After the Likud came to power in 1977, the government began to establish settlements throughout the West Bank, particularly in areas close to the main Palestinian population centers along the central mountain ridge and in western Samaria. This policy was based on both security and ideological considerations. The political process between Israel and the Palestinians did not impede settlement activities, which continued under the Labor government of Yitzhak Rabin (1992-1996) and all subsequent governments. These governments built thousands of new housing units, claiming that this was necessary to meet the "natural growth" of the existing population. As a result, between 1993 and 2000 the number of settlers on the West Bank (excluding East Jerusalem) increased by almost 100 percent.

As European influence extended across the oceans, all regions of recent settlement faced the challenge of devising means for distributing, by sale, lease, or grant, lands originally held or used by aboriginal populations, and at the same time defining the political relationship between the frontier and the existing states. One of the most sweeping instances of legislation addressing this issue took place in the early years of the United States where, in exchange for the cession of claims on western lands by the original thirteen states, the federal government under the Articles of Confederation agreed to convert the public domain into private holdings as quickly as possible.

In Slovakia, the large-scale acquisition of agricultural land in combination with land concentration represents a legitimate threat that can lead to land grabbing. Based on the research, two interrelated areas of protection need to be effectively regulated to limit land grabbing: the protection of access to land and the protection of agricultural land. Due to the absence of relevant data analysis regarding this issue, the main aim of the study was to analyse the emergence of land concentration in Slovakia based on historical and cultural factors and to evaluate the current legislative and institutional framework of both aspects of land protection with a possible impact on the successively graduating threat of land grabbing. In particular, analytical methods were used, presenting the data from secondary literature sources, a questionnaire survey, and representatives of the Ministry of Agriculture and Rural Development in Slovakia. The research shows that although the state has adopted the necessary legal framework for the protection of property rights to agricultural land, it is not possible to enforce it, as the institutional framework for its implementation is absent. It is also the state's malfunctioning land protection regulatory mechanism and the absence of indirect action instruments that may be key indicators leading to the processes of industrial agriculture. Therefore, the adoption of legislation limiting agricultural land acquisition is important, but the processes of land grabbing presume the state's complex provision of a regulatory mechanism and adoption of strategic measures aimed at sustainable land quality and food security.

Global climate change policy enforcement has become the new driving force of resource grabbing in the context of the &ldquo ; scramble of resources&rdquo ; in Africa. Nevertheless, the environmental crisis should not be seen as an isolated phenomenon amid contemporary capitalism. On the contrary, a very distinct feature of the current wave of land grabs is the convergence of multiple crises, including food, energy/fuel, environmental, and financial. The Southern Mozambique District, Massingir, is an area with high potential regarding water sources and biodiversity. It recently became a host of a biofuel project, and also a huge block of land is being transformed into a conservation/tourism area ; answering to many issues within capitalism&rsquo ; s crisis, this area is an evidence of how synergetic resource grabbing can arise as a response to the convergence of multiple crises. Therefore, by analyzing the emerging politics of natural resources in Massingir District and the dynamics regarding the land-use change, changes in property relations, it is possible to understand how rural livelihoods are shaped. Risks related to food security and sovereignty, loss of control and access to resources, consistent narrowing down of the set of livelihood strategies, and inter-community conflicts over scarce resources are the main implications of such emerging climate-smart land politics.

Land is an essential part of human life. On the land there are various rights that arise, including ownership rights, building use rights, cultivation rights and usage rights. Besides land that already has land rights on it, there is also land without rights on it which is called State land. This paper will examine the legal problems that arise over State land which is claimed by regional governments as regional assets. The method used in this writing is through a doctrinal / law approach where the law is conceptualized as statutory regulations. The results of the analysis show that the regional government cannot automatically say that State land is land controlled by the regional government through management rights, but the regional government must apply to the national land agency to have rights over State land.

In this series, entitled home/land, documentary photographs by Christopher Cowperthwaite provide the foundation for works that are meditations on the disruptions – cultural, political, and ecological – that result from conflict and crisis. The paintings present fragmentary images of the construction of the Israel-Palestine separation wall (and its concomitant fragmentation of the land), which are fused with collaged images from other conflicts and other times, asking the viewer to consider how an ever-deepening palimpsest of conflicts has become etched in our collective memory and on the surface of the earth since the World Wars. I created this series as an attempt engage my artistic practice with the complex history and contemporary reality of globalized conflict, which, via globalized media, has become imbricated with the flow of our daily lives and thoughts. As a Canadian artist and educator, I have no direct contact with the daily crises occurring in conflict zones, yet I am impelled to respond creatively, to translate my affective response to these global catastrophes into a visual elegy and a plea for awareness of the human and ecological impacts of warfare.

Land value tax is an important source of revenue for government internationally and particularly in industrialised OECD countries in which this tax operates on a number of different bases of value. Over the past 30 years a number of trends in tax policy have impacted revenue from this tax and how the tax is assessed. This paper examines land value taxation and speci cally the valuation of land processes used to determine the base of this tax in Australia. The paper examines the challenges of valuing land in highly urbanised locations where land rarely transacts in isolation of improvements. It further examines the practices and processes used in the valuation of land speci cally for taxation purposes. Simulations have been developed to examine how land value is determined from improved property transactions and to identify the issues which confront and impact the valuation process and the integrity of this tax. The paper makes its contribution by examining how valuers determine the value of land in highly urbanised locations in the absence of vacant land sales. This contributes to de ning how this process may be improved through increased transparency in the valuation process. This is done while maintaining the ef ciency of land as a neutral base for the assessment of land tax as opposed to moving to alternate bases of value. The paper examines the challenges in valuing land in highly urbanised locations where land rarely transacts in isolation of improvements. Simulations are used to examine how land value is determined from improved property transactions and identifies the issues which confront and impact the valuation process and integrity of this tax. Among the factors which determine market value, the paper makes an important contribution by identifying that the highest and best use of land is an important factor in establishing a neutral and efficient base on which to assess a tax on land in highly urbanised locations.

Nach zahlreichen Androhungen einer zwangsweisen Aussiedlung der G|wi und ||Gana San aus dem Central Kalahari Game Reserve realisierte die Regierung Botswanas in den Jahren 1997 und 2002 diesen international Aufsehen erregenden Schritt. Die beiden juristischen Prozesse – die Entwicklung eines globalen rechtlichen Standards hinsichtlich indigener Rechte einerseits und die Überprüfung einer staatlichen Politik durch den High Court Botswanas andererseits – bilden die beiden auf vielfache Weise miteinander verknüpften Pole der gegenständlichen Arbeit. Sie widmet sich daher sowohl dem lokalen Umgang Botswanas mit den (indigenen Völkern der) San im Kontext der Entwicklungen im südlichen Afrika als auch der universellen Menschenrechtsentwicklung hin zu indigenen Rechten und deren (potentielle) Auswirkungen auf staatliche Formen der Entwicklungspolitik und governance. ; After numerous threats to forcefully evict the 2.300 G|wi and ||Gana San from the Central Kalahari Game Reserve, the Government of Botswana set this startling step in the years 1997 and 2002. The two legal processes - the development of a global legal standard towards indigenous rights on the one hand and the Botswana High Court review of state politics on the other hand - form the two discursive poles of this publication, which are in multiple ways linked with each other. For this reason, the book focuses both on the local governance of Botswana in relation to its indigenous peoples (in comparison to other countries in Southern Africa), and on the universal Human Rights initiatives towards indigenous rights and their (potential) implications for national modes of developmental politics and governance.